Sidney Asubo is the Financial Intelligence Authority ED

Uganda’s Financial Intelligence Authority has formally begun preliminary investigations that will dig up details of the 57 people linked to Uganda, with secret accounts in HSBC, a Swiss bank.

Speaking to The Observer yesterday, Sydney Asubo, the FIA executive director, said the investigations will look into who these people are, how they are linked to Uganda, and if they are hiding illicit money.

Asubo added that while it is not illegal to have foreign bank accounts, the money laundering law empowers FIA to investigate any suspicious money. Early this month, HSBC’s secret files of over 100,000 clients were leaked to French authorities who also distributed them to different media outlets.

The leaked files reveal that 57 out of the 100, 000 clients have links to Uganda, and they hold a stash of $89.3 million (about  Shs 255.6bn) in the bank. One of the clients, whose association with Uganda is closer, has about $8.8m (about Shs 25.1bn).

Details from the leaked files show that 212 bank accounts were opened by people with links to Uganda, of which 83 accounts were opened between 1972 and 2006, and 50 of those accounts were active in 2006, which was an election year.

“We have to find all the illicit money wherever it is, whether within Uganda or out of Uganda,” he said, adding that in case it is discovered that the money is illicit, any individual or institution responsible will face the law.

Asked about the status of the inquiry, Asubo said they were in the preliminary stages of the investigations.

“We have written to Swiss authorities and we hope to update you if any substantial details are found,” he said. FIA will be assisted by other state organs such as the external security organisation and police.

In 2012, Parliament established an inquiry into allegations that senior government officials had received bribes from oil companies to swing oil contracts in the bribers’ favour. In its report to Parliament, the probe team said it could not pin the government officials because the countries, Switzerland inclusive, where the accounts of the said transactions took place, refused to cooperate with the team.


Commissioner for Land Registration department Sarah Kulata

The commissioner for Land Registration department, Sarah Kulata has denied responsibility in the Shs 26bn loss made by government in the fraudulent compensation of more than 180 people alleged to own land in wetlands and forest reserves.

In 2013, people were issued with land tittles and later compensated by the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA). Evidence before the commission of inquiry into mismanagement, abuse of office and corrupt practices in UNRA; indicates that the land registration department went ahead to issue land tittles in wetland and forest reserves without consultation with environmental body, NEEMA or the National Forest Authority (NFA) who are legally the custodians of wetlands and forest reserves respectively.

Kulata however told the commission on Friday while being interrogated by the lead counsel Andrew Kasirye that the role of her office was recording land titles as issued by the district Land boards and thus the blame should be put on the district land officials at Wakiso.

"The people who collected the money should pay it back. My lord, commissioners I earlier stated that the controlling authority is the owner of the land. [in] land registration, the registrar is at the tail end of the process of titling. Squarely put the blame on the district land board, the controlling authority", she said.

Kasirye interjected asking: "What is the purpose of having a registrar? A registrar is skilled in matters of land law. Are you suggesting to this commission that being at the tail end, your officers are mere rubber-stamps. Should we recommend that we remove them?".

The 1995 constitution puts all wetlands and forest reserves in custody of government for the people of Uganda. A gazette notice was issued in February 2013 and most of the controversial land tittles were issued between March 2013 and December 2014.

The Legal Affairs director Christopher Gashirabaki had earlier informed the commission that following a gazette of land to be covered by roads, UNRA takes charge and no land tittles can be issued to the alleged owners. However, the Land Registration department went ahead to issue land tittles and leases in the said areas.

Among those given the leases and claimed compensation is Minister of Land, Housing Development Daudi Migereko for his land in Munyonyo. The Minister had in February written to all stakeholders halting further activities on the land. He is set to appear and give details to claims of influence peddling, ownership of illegal land tittles in the Express Highway land etc.

When asked if her department took dual diligence to verify the titles, Kaluta said "My lord, commissioners, land registration is a process where the department of land registration is at the tail end. There is another department of administration which does supervising, monitoring and guiding controlling authorities. I believe the department of land administration must have informed the controlling authority audibly."

Kulata is to appear again on Monday to answer on fraudulent compensation in the Hoima-Kaiso-Tonya road project as well as avail more details in relation to the Kampala Entebbe Express Highway compensation.

Court issues demand notice against Minister Banye-



Posted  Sunday, February 22  2015 


At Kabale, Western Province, Uganda.


The Kabale Chief Magistrate’s Court has issued a demand notice against the State Minister for Economic monitoring, Mr Henry Banyenzaki, over alleged failure to pay Shs360,000 to Kabale businessman Johnson Ndyabanawe.

Mr Ndyabanawe told the court Mr Banyenzaki hired his two lorries to carry people from different villages in Rubanda west constituency and drop them at Muko sub-county playground where President Museveni was addressing them on January 15. He also said Mr Banyenzaki paid him only Shs840,000 leaving a balance of Shs360,000 which he has failed to pay despite several reminders.

The demand notice dated February 12, issued by the head of small claims procedure at Kabale Chief Magistrate’s Court, Mr Darius Kamugisha, requires Mr Banyenzaki to settle the debt within 14 days and failure to comply, the complainant shall obtain decree for the same amount of money claimed together with expenses permitted by court.

But Mr Banyenzaki, on Friday said the claim is false and threatened to deal with the complainant for tainting his name.

“The claims are false and aimed at tainting my reputation. That man must be mad because I have never contracted him. I have not received the demand notice as of now but I am ready to challenge it,” Mr Banyenzaki said.

The President of Uganda and the Speaker of Parliament are very much in  disagreement on changing commercial laws over oil production:

February 6, 2019

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

Speaker Rebecca Kadaga

Speaker Rebecca Kadaga


As the clocks runs down on the production of the first oil drop in the country, President Museveni hopes to wring more oil law concessions from parliament to attract more sector investors.

Two weeks ago, government and oil sector investors agreed new timelines for the production of Uganda’s first oil despite cabinet-parliament-level disagreements over the existing oil laws.

President Museveni is unhappy with some clauses in the oil laws passed in 2013. He insists they are unfavourable to the interests of investors. To force a parliamentary rethink, the president has met with speaker of parliament Rebecca Kadaga to persuade her to push her MPs to review the laws and clauses  that, in the president’s view, are turning away investors.
Museveni is rattled by the provisions that call for state participation and national content.

Last Friday, Kadaga, in a speech before MPs at a three-day conference on the oil and gas sector at Serena Lake Victoria resort, revealed titbits about her talks with Museveni.

“I had a meeting with the president and he told me that he is not happy with the local content laws because investors are not comfortable with them, he said, ‘I am going to send them back to you’ but I told him that; your excellency, you bring them back, we shall send them back to you the same way they are,” Kadaga said.

According to the minister of Energy and Mineral Development Irene Muloni, Museveni’s discomfort relates to the possibility of the laws holding back the production of the first oil drop.

“The law requires that for a company to do business in the oil sector, they should have at least 48 percent shareholding by Ugandans. Ugandans have to build capacity in order to own 48 percent shares [in] a company doing business of so many billions of dollars, but we don’t have the money,” Muloni told The Observer on the sidelines of the conference.

The entire process leading to the production of the first oil requires a capital investment of at least $20 billion (Shs 72 trillion).

“The president recognized that our own people may not have that capacity, and he does not want to hold back the work. Instead, he said, let us encourage our own people to partner [foreign investors]; when you are weak, you get a strong partner to support you,” Muloni said.

But Kadaga throws the blame squarely back on government, which she says has not done enough to prepare Ugandans to do business in the oil and gas sector. For instance, Kadaga says, the sector promises to offer more than 25,000 jobs for Ugandans but not enough training has been done for them to qualify for the jobs. She said the jobs may end up being taken by non-Ugandans.

“It is important to upgrade some of the institutions like [Uganda Petroleum Institute] Kigumba... we must find an avenue for Ugandans to train so that they are ready when the right time comes,” Kadaga said.


To further underscore government’s reluctance, Kadaga pointed to the ever-changing timelines for the commencement of oil production.

“The first time we heard, it was 2014, then 2017, now!” Kadaga said.

But Muloni said that following an agreement reached two weeks ago between the sector investors and the government, the first oil drop is expected in 2022.

“We discovered that the investors were not ready; they were not well prepared [yet] we needed assurances from them about their capital investment. You are looking at about $20 billion, and about three years of preparation,” Muloni said.

“All the companies have agreed that by mid this year, they are going to tell us that we are ready; construction will begin, [and] if we can have many teams constructing the pipeline at the same time so that it gets ready quickly, and also the equipment gets fixed quickly at the wells in Hoima, we are giving ourselves a period of three years to see the first oil, that is why we are looking at utmost 2022,” she added.

Construction of the 1,445km pipeline from Hoima to the Tanzanian port of Tanga is expected to commence in July this year. For each barrel of crude oil that will be pumped, government will pay the investor (Total E&P) not more than $12.77 (Shs 45,972).


The investor will be paid 12.77 dollars. One hopes Tanzania will be paid 8 dollars for the pipeline to pass through its territory. The crude Oil transporters will get 15 dollars per one barrel of oil. In Nigeria, an oil tanker parks and as corruption goes, it is filled up with crude oil at a cheap price without putting figures in the accountant's books. So with African corruption it will cost 10 dollars per one barrel of oil. 



All together that is 45 dollars of costs on a barrel of crude oil that has arrived on the international market of Crude Oil in very rich countries. The current price of crude oil is 53.66 dollars a barrel of oil. Therefore what Uganda might earn from exporting crude oil is in the single figure of 7.89 dollars on one barrel of crude oil.


Properties acquisition by Bank of Uganda senior officials seem to show that there is international money laudering going on in the national bank:  
By Andrew Irumba
Posted on 14 December, 2018 


Uganda, Kampala: As Parliament’s COSASE comes to an end on its probe into the activities of officials of Bank of Uganda and the roles they played in the closure of seven banks, leaked document have shown how BoU’s deputy governor Dr. Louis Kasekende has been transferring part of property into the names of his driver and his close family members.

TheSpy Uganda can confirm that Dr.Kasekende has so far successfully transferred 12 plots of land into the names of his driver Moses Musitwa in a bid to elude the on-going scrutiny by the Inspector General of Government (IGG), Auditor general (AG) and parliamentary  Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (COSASE).

The Leadership Code Act of 2002 requires public officials to declare their properties for purposes of accountability and transparency in order to detect and fight corruption in Gov’t departments. This, could mean that Kasekende was trying to hide part of his wealth he could have allegedly acquired under suspicious manner.

According to the documents, the filthy rich Kasekende transferred the said properties into the names of his driver Moses Musitwa on January 31, 2018.


‘Rich’ Moses Musitwa, Kasekende’s driver

The documents show that Kasekende has 35 properties in his names yet he only declared to IGG six properties. Pundits are asking as to why he didn’t want to declare them as the law dictates if he acquired legally.

The leaked documents show that much as Kasekende transferred the properties, there is no evidence to show that the deputy governor sold the plots to the latter.


Some of the properties transferred to Moses Musitwa by Dr.Louis Kasekende.

The plots that are located in Busiro on Block 314 are; plots No. 6090, 6091, 6092, 6093, 6094, 6095, 6096, 6097, 6098, 6099, 6100 and 6101. They range from 0.0450-0.0590 hectares.

However, sources in the lands ministry dealing with this matter intimated that no value of properties was indicated on the transfer forms from. This has raised questions within the registry how the properties could be registered with such anomaly.

On the consent of the transfer forms dated February 1, 2018, it indicates that a consideration of Shs3 million was indicated as the value for all the 12 properties.


Some of the properties belonging to Dr.Louis Kasekende


The document also shows Kasekende owns seven plots of land in Makindu Lane, Buloba (4 plots), Bokoto Rise and Lower Naguru East Road. The document shows his brother Herman Kasekende also owns six plots in Nama, Birongo, Lukuli (2 plots), Munyonyo and Kisugu.

Martin Kasekende, his other family member owns land in Kiruddu, Kyambogo View Street.

Investigations also show that Harriet L. Kasekende owns plot 990 in Kiwatule, Mengo.

George Kasekende owns land at Mpererwe, Barbara Kahubire also has lucrative land in Munyonyo.

In our previous publication, we showed Dr. Kasekende’s un declared properties before the IGG.

The plots include; Plot 38 (0.157 hectares) in Lower Naguru on East road worth Shs1.280 billion, Plot 1423 on block 314 in Buloba worth Shs432 million.


More tittles transfers



Others whose value was not quoted include; Plot 1738 (0.809 hectares), Plot 3213 (0.079 hectares), plot 1427 (3.647 hectares), plot 184 (2.7 hectares), plot 1754 (1.624 hectares) and plot 6102 (0.317 hectares). All the plots are on block 314 in Buloba.

Meanwhile Kasekende was able to declare five properties. They include; Plot 2A (0.142 Hectares) in Makindu worth Shs3.6 billion, Plot 2 (0.22 Hectares) on Bukoto Rise worth Shs2.7 billion, Block 314, plot 706, Plot 1475 Lubowa Estate worth Shs3.6 billion and Plot 12 on Corporation Road Ntinda.






A Land Registrar in the Central Government of Uganda has admitted to issuing fake land titles:

1st December, 2018

Written by Joseph Olanyo

 Luella Ataro Bogere

M/s Luella Ataro Bogere


In one of the most heart-rending revelations, a senior registrar of titles at the ministry of Lands, has admitted masterminding a fraudulent land transaction in which she created and issued a fake special certificate of land title, that may see 161 households including the auditor general John Muwanga evicted.

Acting against the provisions of the law, Luella Ataro Bogere, without any due consideration of the normal procedures, acted illegally and created a special certificate of title for land under contention, located on Block 185, Plot 1131 at Namavundu sub-county Wakiso district. The fake title was created in the name of Peninah Karenge Busingye.

In collaboration with other surveyors, among them Vianney Lutaaya, a surveyor in the ministry of Lands, Ataro, issued a special certificate of title, knowing that all the plots in the mother certificate had proprietors.


Ataro did not also consider the normal procedures that when somebody applies for special certificate of title, the registrar has to wait for 30 days after an announcement is made in the national gazette.

Appearing before the Commission of Inquiry into land matters on November 20, the senior registrar of titles failed to defend herself saying it was an oversight. The commission is investigating allegations of double titling of land in Namavundu, Kasangati town council in Wakiso district. Commissioner Fred Ruhindi put Ataro to task to explain why she is always implicated in serious land fraudlent deals.

“This is not the first time you have caused a change in proprietorship on people’s titles. And this one is gigantic. What is it that it is you constantly? How many times so far have you been here on very grave matters and this one is worse? You have been compromised to the marrow,” Ruhindi said.

“You knew the transactions were taking place on this title but you didn’t act. Don’t try to white wash things here… but even if you wanted to do things fishy, you can’t even do it nicely”.

Ruhindi lashed out at the way the likes of Ataro testify against complainants in court.

“In courts of law you are the very people who go and testify against the complainants and testify against the commission. You earn twice from your deals. You earn from a person claiming money from government and the ones you are giving fake titles. Assuming our commission never came into existence, how could you actually cover this?" Ruhindi asked.

Commissioner Mary Oduka questioned why Ataro decided to ignore the statutory 30 days required by the law before issues of the fraudulent title.

“How much money was that that was involved that you couldn’t even wait for the days (30 days). Don’t tell me it was an oversight, you didn’t know. Not even God will listen to it.” said Oduka..

This is the fourth time Ataro whose name has hit the post office box for notorious fraudulent land deals, is appearing and being questioned before the commission. In June 2017, the Land Probe chairperson, Justice Catherine Bamugemereire ordered for the arrest of Ataro who she accused of obstructing justice and disrespect. Ataro was detained at Wandegeya police station.

Ataro, who was then appearing for the second time before the commission to explain her role in the issuance of a set of land titles to individuals in wetlands located at Kijabijo, was also accused of telling lies by the commission.

”And I am asking you again today and you said no. What exactly do you mean? Which means you actually knew about it", a visibly exasperated Bamugemereire said. 

Ataro who had been avoiding some of the questions put to her by the commission could not, despite overwhelming evidence from witnesses, admit that she had a hand in deceptive land deals and did not follow right due procedures when processing applications leading to grant of certificate of titles in wetlands.

Records obtained by the commission showed that title 170 plot 644 was registered by Ataro and her senior land management officer, Satya Mwangushya without following laid down procedures. The two, the commission heard, avoided the district land officer and the district land board by approving the award of certificate of titles in a wetland.

In March 2018, the commission told Ataro to resign after she was accused of allegedly conniving with land grabbers to take the central forest reserve in Ssayi, Mukono municipality, and soliciting for money in order to sign transfer forms.

The revelation followed an earlier testimony from one Evelyn Kafeero, who had wanted to transfer a piece of land she bought from Jude Clement Kidega in 2014. Ataro, the commission heard, refused to sign the transfer forms and instead demanded for Shs 10 million for the transaction. 

Kidega, an employee of ministry of Works, is also accused of selling part of Ssayi central forest reserve in Mukono, which is under contention to Kafeero, admitted before the commission that he paid Shs 10m to Ataro to help her sign his transfer forms

The land probe team also heard that Ataro illegally authorised the sub division of Kabaka’s land at block 369 plot 3 at Golomolo Kiyaga without Buganda kingdom’s consent. It is alleged that Ataro, through  a mutation form, authorised the sub-division of Kabaka’s land from block 369 into plots 8,9,10, 11 and 13.

Mutation is the transfer or change of title ownership from one person to another when the property is sold. 
Ataro has further been implicated in the issuing of title in Mabira central forest reserve to Nurdin Yusuf and Bashir Yusuf illegally.

In all these incidences, Ataro, vehemently denied any involvement in the bribery scandal.

“My lord, it is not true that I received money. It is totally false,” Ataro said. She also stated that she did not know that the land in dispute was a forest reserve.

But in a turn of events and unlike other appearances where denial was been the order of the day, Ataro, who was again arraigned before the commission this time round succumbed to her deceitful woes and admitted creating the special title for the Namavundu land located on block 185, plot 1131 in the names of Peninah Karenge Busingye.

“My lord and commissioners, it was an oversight and I apologise for it, I did not know the magnitude of the problem but now I realise there was a problem,” Ataro told the commission during cross examination. 

She admitted she did not advertise the application for the special title in the newspapers, as it is required by law, to establish whether or not there were people with interest on the land. 

But this did not solve the equation: “The way you minimalise mistakes by saying it was an oversight…, I apologise…is rather appalling. You issued the certificate of title in violation of all the rules, regulations and procedures of the law. You had made up your mind that you have to get a title out” Justice Bamugemereire.

“This thing of titling a certificate that belongs to over 160 people and you keep saying I apologise is ridiculous.”

Documents tendered before the commission show that the fraudulent special title was issued only nine days after the application was submitted as opposed to the 30 statutory days required by law.

Furthermore, the commission found out that the special title that was supposed to be issued in the original names, was instead issued in the in the name of Natasha Karenge. Kerenge has been summoned to appear before the commission. However, last week he submitted a letter, to the commission purporting that she was indisposed and that her doctor had prescribed a bed rest. Karenge asked to be given some time before she can appear before the commission. 

The presence of the illegal special title came to the forefront when one Karenge together with her daughter, Natasha Karenge, under duress, fenced off the land claimed by one Stanley Lwanga, who holds the original title of the land under contention. 

Lwanga, a retired accountant formerly with the ministry of Health, is one of the 161 households in Namavundu who face eviction as a result of the fraudulent transaction. Others include the auditor general, John Muwanga. 

The land probe commission was created by President Yoweri Museveni in December 2016 and is chaired by Justice Catherine Bamugemereire. Bamugemereire is assisted by six commissioners; Fredrick Ruhindi, Dr Rose Nakayi, George Bagonza Tinkamanyire, Joyce Gunze Habaasa, Mary Oduka Ochan and Robert Ssebunnya 

The commission’s lead counsel is Ebert Byenkya while the deputy and assistant lead counsels are John Bosco Suuza and Andrew Odiit respectively. The commission’s mandate is to probe the efficiency of the laws, policies and processes of land registration, acquisition, administration and management.

It is also tasked with inquiring into the effectiveness of the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) in administering public land and relevant bodies in the reservation of wetlands, forests, road reserves and national parks.

A Shs72bn scandal in the National Enterprise Corporation, the trading arm of the Uganda Armed forces is being investigated:

The proud military officials of the Uganda Armed forces on field exercise

The Luwero civil war seems to have turned peasants into rich billionaires.


Was the brutal civil war of Luwero justified?

26 October, 2018
By the Abr media

The scandal relates to 914 former NEC workers who were laid off many years ago as part of the retrenchment.

Once retrenched, employees become entitled to terminal benefits. Having been retrenched in 1992/1993, some of the ex-NEC workers missed their benefits prompting them to sue government in 2002. Almost 10 years later in August 2011, Justice Kibuka Musoke ruled in their favor and ordered government to pay them Shs7.1bn. As they waited for their payment, the ex-NEC workers learnt that the ministries of Defense, Finance & Justice (AG Chambers) were processing Shs46bn as opposed to the mere Shs7.1bn court directed.

They became appalled and petitioned the IGG saying this was fraud. They claimed over 270 names on the beneficiaries' list were ghosts. The IGG referred the matter to the Auditor General from whom it was hijacked by CIID headquarters Kibuli from where it was controversially closed.

The two ministries of Finance & Justice then began effecting payments through the ex-NEC workers' lawyer Davis Ndyomugabe who now says he has been paying out to the beneficiaries. The lawyer, on whose Stanbic Bank account the money continues to be wired in installments, says there are some of his clients he hasn't yet managed to locate and that's why he is still keeping their money.


ISO is now investigating to establish how what was initially Shs7.1bn grew to Shs72bn which the two ministries of Finance & AG are continuing to pay in regular installments. The Stanbic Bank account number ISO is investigating 9030004036149 of the Metro branch. Whereas Solicitor General Francis Atooke says he isn't aware of the NEC matter, Finance Ministry publicist Jim Mugunga says he is aware of the matter but finds Shs72bn outrageously very high.






The Majority NRM Parliament of Uganda is soon to interview the Governor of the Bank of Uganda over this year's Auditor General's report:

Bank of Uganda  governor Emmanuel Tumusiime- M

Bank of Uganda governor Emmanuel Tumusiime- Mutebile (2nd right) appears before Parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises in May last year. PHOTO BY ALEX ESAGALA


1st October, 2018


By Yasiin Mugerwa

Kampala- Lawmakers on a House watchdog committee are pushing to have the Governor Bank of Uganda and his team to testify under oath with regard to the payment of billions of shillings to external lawyers in the closure of seven commercial banks.
The MPs on Commissions Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) committee led by their outgoing chairman, Mr Abdul Katuntu, will this month open an inquiry into the alleged mismanagement of closed commercial banks.

Sources close to Cosase said some MPs want the Governor, Mr Emmanuel Tumusiime-Mutebile, and other officials at the Central Bank put under oath because the Auditor General indicated in his recent report to Parliament that some key documents on the closed banks were not given to him.
These include the budget for internal and external operations, list of contracts [with external lawyers], list of all the advocates and total expenditures on hired lawyers. 
Mr Mutebile and his team will be asked to provide details on the BoU expenditures on external law firms hired during the liquidation of Teefe Bank (1993), International Credit Bank Ltd (1998), Greenland Bank (1999), The Co-operative Bank (1999), National Bank of Commerce (2012), Global Trust Bank (2014) and the sale of Crane Bank Ltd (CBL) to dfcu (2016).
For instance, under Global Trust Bank, Cosase will ask Mr Mutebile to explain the payment of Shs409.3m in legal fees. For the expenditures on Crane Bank Ltd, only Shs4b was disclosed as the money BoU used in hiring of two external law firms - MMAKs (Shs3.9b); Cohen and Collins Solicitors and Notaries (Shs17.4m).

The budget for MMAKS Advocates and AF Mpanga Advocates - the external lawyers hired by BoU in Crane Bank case before court kicked them out over conflict of interest, was never disclosed. It is also not clear how much BoU officials spent on external lawyers who handled Greenland Bank and others.

However, Ms Margaret Kaggwa Kasule, the BoU director of legal affairs, said: “The decisions on what cases are handled by the contracted lawyers are taken with a consideration to the “complexity of the matter. That decision is taken by the legal counsel through internal consultation with the lawyers. It depends on the complexity of the matter and a number of other issues.”

Before Cosase halted investigations in September last year, the committee had found from previous AG reports that BoU officials paid Shs1.4b in legal fees to private law firms, despite having a fully-fledged legal department. The MPs have since queried the expenditure and demanded details.

While MPs led by Shadow Attorney General Wilfred Niwagaba (Ndorwa East) want Mr Mutebile to testify under oath before he is allowed to answer any audit queries, Mr Nicholas Opiyo, a lawyer, has, however, warned the legislators against undermining the integrity of Central Bank.

“We have to be careful about how we deal with the Governor of the Central Bank, much more the Central Bank. The only currency on which the bank survives is its integrity and the integrity of its employees... it’s a delicate matter,” he said.

In his counsel to Cosase, Mr Opiyo said: “We must remove any political inclinations from the process and embark on a phased, much needed reform of the Central Bank to guard it from political interference and corruption. The audit process is the start and not the end of that process.”

However, in response, Mr Katuntu described himself as “a professional and a statesman.”

“We are continuing from where we ended last year. We are going to investigate everything in the special audit report of the Auditor General on BoU, including all the payment to external lawyers,” Mr Katuntu said.

“We just paused our investigation into closed banks and payments to external lawyers to allow the Auditor General give us more information. We referred our inquiry into BoU last year. Now that we have the details we wanted, are going to start from where we ended in September 2017.”

He, however, declined to give details on how the committee will handle the inquiry. Sources said next week, Cosase members and representatives from police’s Criminal Investigations Department will have a joint closed-door meeting to discuss and approve the agenda for the BoU inquiry.


It is very difficult indeed to find out the amount of international money laundering that is going on in the shoddy Banking system of this country.  Especially when the IMF and WB are keeping silent about it!






In Uganda, the Impounded export-bound gold containers in the hands of the national police have unfortunately gone missing:

Gold Nuggets from Colorado. These specimens range between three and eight millimeters across. They have the uniform color and rounded edges common of alluvial gold particles.

18 September, 2018

Written by URN

There is a mystery surrounding the whereabouts of two containers recently impounded by the Minerals Protection Police Unit (MPPU) almost two months ago. 

The two containers were impounded near Katuna border along the Rwandan border on August 5, 2018 on suspicion that they being used to transport gold and iron ore from Uganda illegally.

Deputy police spokesperson, Patrick Onyango sent out a message inviting journalists on August 16 to witness the opening of the containers at the Spedag Interfreight Uganda offices in Nakawa in Kampala.

However, the media event was called off under clear circumstances and no explanation was given. Since then, no clear information has been given about the contents in the two containers.

According to reliable sources, shortly after the containers were intercepted, their owners reportedly showed up with documents showing that they had been cleared by the Rwanda Revenue Authority (RRA) and Uganda Revenue Authority (URA).  

Both containers had what appeared like RRA seals. The businessmen also reportedly claimed that they had picked the minerals from Ngororero district in western Rwanda and were in transit to United States of America. However, a month and half later, the containers have been changing hands between police and ministry of Energy, Mineral Development officials.  

A reliable source in the MPPU said that highly placed persons in government have stalled investigations into the source of the containers. 

"Immediately those containers were impounded, phone calls started coming in from every side. The documents containing details of the owner of the containers whom we had found out was a Rwandan national were called by the ministry of Energy," the source said. 

Onyango revealed that the documentation purportedly issued by RRA and URA turned out to be forgeries. 

"Whatever is in those containers was picked from Kabale or Kisoro districts and the clearances of RRA and URA were forged," Onyango said. 

Police spokesperson, Emilian Kayima told URN on August 14 that they have never opened the containers and had handed them over to URA. But URA publicist, Herbert Ssempogo denied knowledge of the containers, saying they have never heard about them. 

"I have contacted our enforcement manager and we don't have any such trucks or containers. Let the person who told you we have them show you any documentary proof," Ssempogo said.

A source at the ministry of Energy Directorate of Geology, Survey and Mining (DGSM) said that the containers were opened and samples taken for analysis. 

"The owners of containers got a clearance to export a different mineral, but when they opened, it was found that they had iron ore from Kabale district, which the president had earlier stopped from being exported," the source said.

In 2013, President Museveni banned the exportation of iron ore as a way of encouraging value addition. His position was that the iron should be locally processed and its steel used to feed the steel industry, which relies heavily on imported iron.

The directive also suggested importation of coal from Mozambique to smelt the iron since Uganda doesn't have its own coal. The directive has been largely implemented and only Moses Kamuntu, a Kampala based businessman has written clearance from Museveni to export iron ore.

According to Global Witness, an organisation that monitors the operation of the extractive industry, Kamuntu exports 10,000 tonnes of iron ore monthly. In July 2018, police impounded an estimated 150 tonnes of iron ore that was heading to Kenya.

Records at the ministry of Energy indicate that Uganda has about 200 million tons of proven iron ore while it is believed that there are 500 million more tons underground.







 Building modern roads in Africa by Africans is proving to be hot Air.

Katosi scam: 10 years in jail for Ssenketo:

By Admin, New Vision, Uganda.


30th August 2018 


Businessman Apollo Ssenketo is handed 10 years behind bars, Joe Ssemugooma five years and Wilberforce Ssenjako also five years.


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KAMPALA - Former works minister Abraham Byandala was relieved when he was acquitted in the botched Mukono-Katosi road project, which led to the financial loss of sh24.7b.

But three of his co-accused, found guilty in the scam, will have to spend some years behind bars after being handed their respective jail sentences by the Anti-Corruption Court on Thursday.

Businessman Apollo Ssenketo was given 10 years.

Former UNRA director of finance and administration Joe Ssemugooma got five years.

And former UNRA regional accountant Wilberforce Ssenjako was also handed a five-year sentence.

Justice Lawrence Gidudu handed the trio their sentences in Kampala.


Contrasting facial moods here: Ssenketo with a stern look while Senjako affording a smile before their sentencing



The former UNRA bosses were convicted for neglect of duty by failing to verify performance guarantees and securities purported to have been issued by Housing Finance Bank, which Senkeeto presented to UNRA.




Ssenketo, alias Mark Kalyesubula, was jailed ten years for theft, three years for each of the six charges of uttering false documents and another five for obtaining execution of a security by false pretense.

He will serve the sentences concurrently.

Earlier, on Wednesday, while convicting him for stealing sh24.7b meant for the upgrade of Mukono-Katosi-Nyenga road, Gidudu said Ssenketo manipulated the entire UNRA procurement process and got free money.

This prompted Gidudu to convict him of nine counts of theft, uttering false documents and obtaining execution of a security by false pretense.

The judge, however, acquitted Ssenketo of charges of conspiracy to defraud and obtain money by false pretense, saying prosecution did not prove the charges beyond reasonable doubt.

Gidudu acquitted Senjako and Ssemugooma of causing financial loss, saying prosecution did not prove loss of sh24.7b because no audit was done to determine the amount of works done.


Senkeeto talks to his wife Nakku and his lawyer Paul Mulira in court 



The former UNRA bosses were convicted for neglect of duty by failing to verify performance guarantees and securities purported to have been issued by Housing Finance Bank, which Senkeeto presented to UNRA.


Ssemugooma chats with a prison warder and Berunado Kimeze Ssebbugga


On Wednesday, Byandala was acquitted on charges of abuse of office and disobeying Inspector General of Government (IGG) orders to halt transactions related to Katosi road works.

The IGG had stopped the works, pending investigations, following a tip from a whistleblower, who said UNRA was dealing with a nonexistent company.

Gidudu faulted prosecution for failing to produce Byandala’s alleged secretary, one Matilda and ex-works state minister John Byabagambi to explain whether Byandala received the IGG’s letter, but opted to disregard it.


 The former M7 Minister celebrates a win after lots of tax payer's money in his docket was plundered.

Others acquitted included former UNRA acting executive director, Berunado Kimeze Ssebbugga, former UNRA lawyer Marvin Baryaruha and Isaac Mugote, a former Housing Finance Bank official. 






In Africa, Finance crimes and Corruption should be treason charges:

The state of Uganda seems busy with political treason charges:

August 23, 2018

Written by Baker Batte Lule

Political Opponents are denied bail and stay longer in jail:


Treason, over the years, has become government’s preferred charge of choice against many of its harsh critics.

Though the charge usually doesn’t provide an easy path to a conviction – government however, has used it to good effect to keep its opponents longer in jail and on trial.

A week after MPs were arrested in the West Nile district of Arua, and spirited off into military detention where they were tortured, lawyers and opposition leaders have denounced the treason charges levelled against them as political persecution.

MP Bobi Wine is the latest politician to be charged with treason. Photo:

They told The Observer this week that the State loves to slap trumped-up treason charges for pure political harassment. Julius Galisonga, a human rights lawyer, said that the desired objective is to keep people in prison as a punishment before conviction.

“Ordinarily with capital offences there is a period of time you must remain on remand before even the hearing of the case can start or applying for bail; this is what those who prefer such charges are after,” Galisonga said.

On August 13, MPs; Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu a.k.a Bobi Wine, Francis Zaake, Gerald Karuhanga, Paul Mwiru, Kassiano Wadri and 30 others were arrested in the heat of the Arua municipality by-election.

Bobi Wine is emerging as an effective mobiliser, thrice helping to defeat President Museveni’s candidates beginning with his own spectacular, landslide by-election victory in Kyadondo East.

He and the others were viciously attacked and taken by the Special Forces Command (SFC), the elite force which protects the president.

Save for Kyagulanyi who was charged in the military court martial for unlawful possession of military hardware and Zaake who is in a coma, the other 33 three appeared in the Gulu chief magistrates court. A charge of treason was read out against them. Today, August 23 Kyagulanyi was also charged with treason in the same court. 

There is still lack of agreement on what triggered the mayhem but supporters of Wadri, who won this contest with Bobi Wine’s support, are reported to have thrown stones at the convoy of President Museveni on the eve of poling day.

What followed after the president left town, was an indiscriminate retaliatory attack on unarmed civilians by SFC troops. Yasin Kawuma, Kyagulanyi’s driver, was shot dead.

Why government likes it?

Treason charges have been preferred against many real or perceived opponents of Museveni ever since he shot his way to power in 1986.

It became a pet charge with the emergence of Col. (rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye as a formidable opponent in the last 18 years. 

Besigye was first charged with treason in 2005, barely a month before the acrimonious 2006 general election.  The former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) founding leader was accused together with 22 others, including his brother Musasizi Kifefe, of belonging to the shadowy People’s Redemption Army (RPA).

Musasizi died in prison. Ten years later in 2016, Besigye was again arrested and remanded for close to six months for swearing himself in after the 2016 elections he claims he won.

FDC man Michael Kabaziguruka, the Nakawa MP who himself is facing two treason cases; one in the magistrate court and the other in the General Court Martial, agrees that treason charges are being abused for political reasons.

“I was arrested in 2012 and charged with treason but as we speak, I have never been committed to the High court for trial. But before they could even finish prosecuting that case, I was arrested again and this time charged in the military court martial on the same grounds. The president claimed I wanted to kill him,” Kabaziguruka said.

When he was first arrested, Kabaziguruka was locked up for four months. Likewise in 2016 he was held in Kigo prison for four months until High Court judge Yasin Nyanzi granted him bail. 

“The head of state said publicly that I tried to assassinate him; that the UPDF will not release me. In the military when the head of state makes such a statement you don’t expect Gen Andrew Gutti [GCM chairman] to give me a fair hearing. The purpose of this charge is really to put you out of circulation and cause inconveniences,” Kabaziguruka says.

Betty Nambooze Bakireke, now MP for Mukono municipality, was kidnapped in 2009 while still the head of the Buganda Kingdom’s Central Civic Committee campaigning against a proposed change in the land law. Nambooze was held in several prisons across the country on charges of terrorism and treason.

“Museveni is very petty; he picks on big cases so that he can keep you in prison for years. The time you spend in police custody or on remand is a punishment in itself because he knows he has no case against you,” Nambooze said.

The Mukono MP is still recovering from injuries inflicted upon her by the SFC soldiers who attacked parliament last year.

When she was produced in court, the 2009 charges had been reduced to sedition. Nambooze says that her captors told her she would only be released if she accepted to meet the president. 

“What made the president drop these charges was because he was put under a lot of pressure from Mengo to release us. I have been on bail since then but I no longer report back to court and nothing has happened,” Nambooze says.

“It’s very shameful that courts of law have been used as tools of oppression. They use these charges to make you permanent prisoners. The aim is to hold you for a long time and restrict your movement.”

Officials from the directorate of public prosecutions and attorney general’s chambers couldn’t be reached for a comment. Police spokesman Emilian Kayima declined an interview.

The legal opinion

Laudislaus Rwakafuzi, a human rights lawyer who has defended many against treason, agrees with Nambooze and Kabaziguruka.

“Treason is a grave offence…it is very hard to get bail hence keeping your opponents out of the way through the courts. They will tell you that it’s the court that has remanded you yet actually it’s the executive that has remanded you,” Rwakafuzi says.

Dr Livingstone Ssewanyana, the executive director of Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, observes that because of the seriousness of the charge, it has a chilling effect on the individual and his or her entire network.

“It is intended to subdue that person such that he is no longer seen to assert him/herself,” he said.

“The charge should be used sparingly. Actually, we have a Constitutional Court petition that will be heard in September challenging the powers of the DPP to charge somebody who is expressing him/herself with treason; that sort of charge amounts to abuse of office,” Ssewanyana said.

He pointed out that treason cases take a lot of time before the state either loses interest or one is acquitted. 

“It effectively puts the individual under the custody of the state and it’s hard to get bail because with such a case you can only get a mandatory bail after 180 days. The charge doesn’t only disfavour an individual but puts him/her at the whims of the state,” Ssewanyana said.

All three men that the state doesn’t prefer treason charges with intent to convict, but rather to secure victory over an opponent.

Galisonga adds that because the standard of proof is set at beyond reasonable doubt, requiring irrefutable evidence, 95 per cent of the treason cases either suffer a still birth or end up in acquittals. 

“Treason involves actions that are not known to very many people unless one person confesses that indeed he had engaged in treasonous activities it very hard to prove,” Galisonga said. The burden of proof is on the state to prove beyond reasonable doubt all the elements of the offence. The accused can even opt to keep quiet throughout the trial. He doesn’t have to prove his innocence.

It is for this reason, the lawyer added, that government is now dragging people before military courts where orders from the commander in chief could override evidence.

“It is the court martial that can only convict people on such cases but their ruling would also be overturned on appeal in the civil courts,”Galisonga opines.

Rwakafuzi adds that in some of the cases he has handled, the state abandons the cases because they have no faith in the charges.

“Museveni is jittery; he doesn’t want if there is another election to have this group from Kampala to go to the villages because when they go, they give the villagers hope and confidence to vote against the status quo. So, he is doing this so that nobody else tries; I can assure you if there is another by-election, very few people will go there,” Rwakafuuzi says.

Kabaziguruka remembers meeting a one Africa Gabula who has been in prison for over 15 years after he was convicted of treason.

He was lied to that they would give him a very lenient sentence if he pleads guilty. I was told he is one of the very few people who have ever been convicted of treason,” Kabaziguruka said.

“The ingredients of proving such an offence were really tightened so that you don’t wake up and think court will convict someone just like that.”Kabaziguruka said.

What is treason?

Section 23 of the Penal Code Act, the collection of laws setting out criminal offences in Uganda and their punishment, states that a person commits treason when he/she; (a) levies war against the Republic of Uganda; (b) unlawfully causes or attempts to cause the death of the President or, with intent to maim or disfigure or disable, unlawfully wounds or does any harm to the person of the President, or aims at the person of the President any gun, offensive weapon, pistol or any description of firearm, whether it contains any explosive or destructive substance or not; (c) contrives any plot, act or matter and expresses or declares such plot, act or matter by any utterance or by any overt act in order, by force of arms, to overturn the government as by law established.

The section further states that a person also commits treason when he/she aids or abets another person in the commission of treason, or becomes an accessory before or after or conceals acts of treason.

The section describes death as the punishment.

Section 23 (2) states that any person who forms an intention to compel by force or constrain the government as by law established to change its measures or counsels or to intimidate or overawe Parliament; or instigate any person to invade the Republic of Uganda with an armed force and manifests any such intention by an overt act or by any utterance or by publishing any printing or writing, commits treason and is liable to death if convicted. 

Section 23 (3,4) further note that a person also commits treason if he /she incites any person to commit an act of mutiny or any treacherous or mutinous act; incites any such person to make or endeavour to make a mutinous assembly, attempts to seduce any person serving in the armed forces or any member of the police force or prison services or any other security service, by whatever name called to withdraw from his or her duty and allegiance to the Constitution. Such persons are also liable on conviction to suffer death.






The Uganda government is trying with much difficulty to fight corruption?


Have hit wall fight against corruption

The Inspector General of Government Irene Mulyagonja (left) and minister of Ethics and Integrity Simon Lokodo (right) during a workshop to discuss the amended Leadership Act, 2017, in Kampala on Wednesday. PHOTO BY STEVEN OTAGE 

On Wednesday during a workshop to discuss the amended Leadership Act 2017, it was announced that public servants and politicians will with effect from March next year be required to disclose the cash they have at hand when declaring their wealth to the government ombudsman.

“We have realised that several public servants and leaders do not declare their actual amount of money. We have now introduced a requirement to declare your cash at hand. People are keeping their money at home, offices and in ceilings. We shall demand one to declare cash starting from Shs5m and above,” Mr Amos Baguma, an officer attached to the Inspectorate of Government (IGG), told the workshop.

We are once again at that point when we ask questions around this law. Is it good? Is it practical? Will it deliver?
“It is a good move, but the practicability and enforceability are the issue. It is very much dependent on the goodwill of the individuals concerned and the whistle-blowers. Otherwise how will the IGG know that someone has a lot more cash than the person is declaring?” wonders the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition, Ms Cissy Kagaba.

Latest in a series of moves
Wednesday’s declaration is only the latest in a series of moves that have been made in the name of fighting corruption.
In July 2011 ministry of Finance officials attempted to sneak a law that would have required anybody making a purchase of land or any property worth Shs50 million and more to declare his/her source of income to Uganda Revenue Authority (URA).
At some point there was talk about a lifestyle audit to weigh public servants expenditures against their incomes.

In March this year URA wrote to commercial banks directing them to submit details of their customers for purposes of tax assessment. In June, while delivering his 2018 State-of-the-Nation address, President Museveni announced the formation of a State House-based Anti-Corruption Unit, to which he said the public could report cases of corruption.

Early in July the ministry of Lands issued new guidelines that require both the seller and buyer of land to make a physical appearance at its offices and state the prices at which the land was bought and provide proof of payment in the form of a bank deposit slip before land titles can be transferred.

The moves on the part of the ministry of Finance and URA were shot down by Parliament amid questions about their legality and the impact that they would have on the economic landscape. The legality of Mr Museveni’s Anti-Corruption Unit and the directives of the ministry of Lands are now being questioned and it is highly likely that they too, shall be shelved.
One now wonders why the fight has come down to the President and government agencies being compelled to consider making moves that border on illegality in the name of fighting corruption. Have we as a country been boxed so tightly into a corner in this fight that we cannot come up with a working solution?

Ms Kagaba believes that the fight has been lost. She argues that while Uganda has many good laws that would have been used to stump out corruption, they have not been put to good use. This, she says, explains why there are many moves being made in the name of fighting corruption.

“We are merely firefighting. There is no political goodwill to fight corruption. Is starts with the lawmakers,” she says.
Ms Kagaba argues that she had appeared before the Parliaments’ Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee and made a case for introduction in the Leadership Code a provision that would require the assets of spouses and children of public servants and politicians declared, but legislators shot the idea down.

She accused MPs of selfishness, accusing them of only passing pieces of legislation that do not directly affect them, which Parliament’s director of communications, Mr Chris Obore, does not agree with, saying her comments are speculative.
“Laws have to be aligned to the Constitution and are passed after many considerations, including the rights of individuals.
Many times MPs do consultations with many groups. Laws could be passed the way they are because of the feedback from those consultations,” Mr Obore said in defence of Parliament.
So where does all this leave the country?
“It is a lost fight. We need genuine action from the President. Otherwise coming up with many laws will not help,” Ms Kagaba says.

Senior presidential press secretary Don Wanyama is quick to leap to the defence of his boss, saying most of the anti-graft laws including the Leadership Act and institutions such as the IGG are Mr Museveni’s brainchild, but that the President should not be expected to run around supervising those agencies.

“The President has severally been forced to take action which naturally would have been done by agencies mandated to fight graft. Isn’t it the President who got Ministry of Finance officials arrested for seeking bribes? Isn’t it the President who suspended his minister for Labour and ordered his prosecution over claims of bribery? What do you call that if it is not proactive action from the President?” he argues.

Yes. One has to give it to Mr Museveni that he has been quite proactive, but for as long he and government agencies seem to be groping in the dark about how to nail it, whether the country has been run into a corner in the fight against corruption will remain a mouthful of a question.






The landless central government of Uganda has paid tax payers money to the tune of Shs7b in a suspected land scam on Buganda State territory:


Objected move. Mr Keith Muhakanizi. He wrote to

 Mr Keith Muhakanizi. He wrote to the Undersecretary in the ministry of Finance stopping the payment before issues on the said land were settled. FILE PHOTO  


Just hours to the close of the 2017/2018 financial year, officials in the ministry of Finance paid about Shs7b for land whose ownership is still the subject of contest at the ministry of Lands and for which warnings against payment had been issued.
If the money had not been paid out on June 30, 2018, the law would have required that it is sent back to the Consolidated Fund, meaning the deal would perhaps have collapsed. 
Even after the money was paid, the land that was supposedly bought is still a subject of arbitration at the Lands ministry, and Saturday Monitor has learnt that a hearing to determine the true owner was held on July 18, more than two weeks after the land was paid for by government. 
The scheme is said to include ministers, officials at the ministry of Lands, the ministry of Finance and its agencies, lawyers and other private citizens who reportedly used insider information and their positions to see the deal through.

Two titles
We have seen copies of two separate land titles for the same land – the land in question – comprising of Busiro Block 535-540, Plots 161, 162, 208 483, 326, in Buwaya (Namugala and Lulongo-Ssazi) Wakiso District. 
One title belongs to Augustine Bukenya Muwulizi, Robinson Matovu, Eric Ngoye Makumbi and Judith Nalubega, who are administrators of the estate of the late Samwiri Kironde [Caused No. 1078 of 2015 of the High Court). These are represented by Ajungule & Company Advocates. 
The other title, which the administrators of Kironde’s estate claim is a forgery, belongs to a former senior officer with the Air Force, Col (rtd) Dick Lutaaya and Paul Bukenya, who are represented by Katende Ssempebwa & Company Advocates. 
The Internal Security Organisation (ISO) has, according to sources and documents seen by Saturday Monitor, taken interest in the case and commenced investigations into the same following a July 6 petition to the organisation. 
The attention of the Inspectorate of Government was also drawn to the issue, on similar grounds, according to a July 11 petition, a copy this newspaper has seen.
Others who have been petitioned include the President’s office, the Finance minister, the Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister and the commissioner of land registry.
Saturday Monitor understands that ISO boss Col Kaka Bagyenda has since deployed four military guards to safeguard Richard Mutatiina, a retired soldier, who blew the lid on the deal.
Asked about the matter and whether he sanctioned protection for Mr Mutatiina, Col Bagyenda said: “Well, I have got many departments, I don’t know if they have received any information but investigation is part of our game. So, what is so special about this?”
When we put it to Col Bagyenda that the information we have indicated that he had personally handled the matter, and that he had given the whistleblower security after his life had been threatened, he said: “I don’t want to be in your papers these days…” He hung up. 
Mr Mutatiina confirmed that he raised the alarm on the deal and that his life has since been under threat. He said he was once kidnapped over the matter.

The issue 
The land in question was sold to the Uganda Free Zones Authority (UFZA), a corporate body under the supervision of the Finance ministry. The Agency is responsible for the “establishment, development, management, marketing, maintenance, supervision and control of free zones” among other things. This includes identifying and mapping areas to be declared as “free zones”.
In a July 6 petition to ISO, it is alleged that Col Lutaaya and Mr Bukenya connived with top officials at UFZA, ministry of Finance and two State ministers to see the deal through. 
The petition says a top official at UFZA initiated the agreement of the payment to Col Lutaaya and Mr Bukenya. 
Ms Betty Kasimbazi, the Undersecretary at the Finance ministry, authorised the payment through Katende Ssempebwa & Co Advocates, and that the squatters on the land were paid through Kirya & Company Advocates. Investment minister Evelyne Anite and another minister in the Attorney General’s chambers sanctioned the payment.
Earlier, on May 10, Kirya & Company Advocates had written to the executive director of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority (PPDA) on behalf of a one Andrew Muhwezi and Andrew Atwine Besigye, complaining against the land offer submitted by Katende Ssempebwa & Company Advocates. The complainants listed eight reasons, including that there was an intention to sell to the government “non-existent land/certificate of title”.
Before the payment was effected, a deal to settle the squatters (represented by Kirya & Company Advocates) on the land was seemingly reached. 
In an interview with this newspaper, lawyer Julius Kirya said they have since abandoned all the claims they had raised against the sellers of the land (represented by Katende Ssempebwa & Co Advocates) after the interests of their clients were taken care of.
“We managed to resolve them [issues] and we don’t have any problem with the transaction. It was handled and they [Kirya’s clients] were compensated. You know kibanja holders basically don’t hold any registered interest in the land. It is at the level of ownership where they are fighting,” Mr Kirya said.
Reports suggest that even the tenants/squatters on the land have never been paid but Mr Kirya says: “They will move [leave the land], by the time government takes over (because) they don’t have any complaint.”

Alleged fraud 
The deal reportedly faced another stumbling block when Mr Keith Muhakanizi, the Finance ministry Permanent Secretary and Secretary to the Treasury, stopped the payment after M/s Ajungule & Company Advocates complained. Attorney General William Byaruhanga also reportedly rejected to clear the transaction before further scrutiny. 
Two searches, one on May 6, 2016 and another on June 18 this year, were conducted at the Land Registry and both, according to documents seen by this newspaper, returned the administrators of Samwiri Kironde as the registered proprietors of the land. It is these administrators whose protests were ignored and payment in favour of Col Lutaaya and Mr Bukenya as administrators effected. 
The 2016 search was authenticated by Mr Haruna Golooba, while this year’s search was signed off by Mr Dan Oundo Malingu on behalf of the commissioner of land registration.
Presented with the information, Mr Muhakanizi first wrote on June 18 in a “loose minute” to Ms Betty Kasimbazi, the Undersecretary in the Finance ministry, directing her not to effect payment. The letter was copied to the Accountant General and UFZA executive director Collin Muhumuza.
“Reference is made to our telephone conversation this morning. A copy of the letter is attached on the procurement of the above land. In view of this contention, please stop payment until we have satisfied ourselves that the land you are going to buy is the real one and has no legal ownership problems. By copy of this letter, I am informing the Accountant General accordingly,” the letter reads, in part.
On June 21, Mr Muhakanizi wrote to Ms Kasimbazi again. This time, the letter was not copied to anyone.
“I am in receipt of correspondences that are raising very pertinent and fundamental questions regarding authenticity of ownership by [Col] Dick Lutaaya and Paul Bukenya, whose land was evaluated as the most suited for a free zone,” the letter reads in part.
He adds: “In light of this, you are advised to look into the claims by the administrators of the estate of the late Samwiri Kironde to establish the legitimacy of their claims to avoid signing a contract and effecting a payment to persons without a right over the land. You are, therefore, required to furnish me with explanations addressing the issues raised by Ajungule and Co. Advocates who represents the said administrators.” 
Information available to Saturday Monitor shows that Ms Aisha Kabira, a senior registrar of titles in the Lands ministry was tasked to verify and cancel the fake title. A hearing was consequently set for July 10, 2018, at 9am and was scheduled at the Office of Titles, Kampala. 
The payment, made on June 30, did not wait for the July 10 hearing on the authenticity of the title.

Fight not over
Lawyer Sulaiman Ajungule of M/s Ajungule & Company Advocates in an interview with Saturday Monitor, said they were taking steps, including challenging the process in court and petitioning the IGG to get justice for their clients. 
“It is quite unfortunate the level of impunity we are experiencing because we tried as much as possible to draw the attention of the UFZA to this. We petitioned the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance and we have proof that he tried to stop the payments and that his directive was ignored,” Mr Ajungule said.
We have seen a letter dated July 12, 2018 to the board chairperson of UFZA by Ajungule & Co. Advocates in which they warn UFZA not to inspect the land which they say will amount to trespass.
“Our clients who are registered proprietors of the above described piece of land are aware of your intentions to go for a site inspection for purposes of opening boundaries. Please be informed that this land belongs to our above clients and have never sold the same to anyone,” the letter reads in part.

Prof Frederick Sempebwa told Saturday Monitor:

“This land has been owned by our clients since 2008. As far as our part is concerned, the Lutaayas came here and said they want to bid to sell that land to Uganda Free Zones Authority and they wanted to use our office because the bidding process is technical and requires a firm that has a name. So, we agreed. The prices and so on did not concern us, we just did the technical work, we got the certificate of title, we checked in the land office and the bid process went ahead. 
The bidding process started in November last year and due diligence was done. 
There were two bids, the first bid process the Lutaayas won and this was after UFZA visited all the sites and deemed theirs most suitable. The other bid was after UFZA had ascertained the title, which was free. 
The first bid was cancelled after those who had lost out complained and the whole process was re-advertised. Again, the Lutaayas put in a bid and when it was succeeding, people who had earlier petitioned came up with new matters and brought a list of squatters claiming the bid could not go ahead until they are compensated. The issue of the squatters was resolved and the process went ahead. As the bid succeeded and other people learnt that the payment was going to be made, they came up with a new matter. They came up with a certificate of title with a different plot number purporting to cover our client’s land. Their certificate of title was issued on January 18, 2018. This was long after the procurement process had started and they now claim they are the rightful owners of the land which our client procured in 2008. Those facts you can ascertain.
They know this certificate of theirs is fraudulent because if someone had sold your land, you would run to court fast. You would not run to the IGG, you would be protecting your property. 
One title is 2008, another title superimposed because they heard there is money going to be paid in 2018. They should be going to court to say that the Lutaayas sold their land. That is what they should be doing and then the matter will be taken on. As far as the buyers are concerned, they ascertained the land is there, the LCs [Local Councils] are there, they know who the owners of the land are.”

On the search 
The first title under the law is the valid title but you cannot come up with a subsequent title over the same land with a separate block number. Under the law, that is impossible because if I have stolen your land, then it is in the record that you are the registered owner. Your reaction would be to go to court. 
As we speak, the transfers have been done, so why do you go to the IGG when this land is being sold? How can you of 2018, claim the owner of 2008 stole your land. Where have you been these last 10 years? 
In summary, these people should go to court but there has been no petition filed. Since they found out they are not bothered by the court process, instead what they are trying to do is, if I understand them very well, reverse a sale, which will not give them that land. They are fighting a sale of which land is still in our client’s name. 
They are tarnishing people’s reputations so that there is an investigation but any investigation which will be supported by documents, which is official, will come to nothing because the bid was straight forward. It was an open bid process (following) proper procurement procedures. And the Lutaayas have been selling this land since 2012. If you own the land there, why didn’t you raise the issue?






In Uganda, the officials of the National Armed forces are also fighting with all their mighty to possess civilian commercial lands that were given out at Namanve industrial Park:


SFC soldier, businessman fight over Namanve land

Both parties claim they bought the land through the right procedures. FILE PHOTO 

By Amos Ngwomoya

UGANDA, Kampala. A Special Forces Command (SFC) soldier, Maj Moses Musinguzi, and an investor of Congolese origin, Mr Mumbere Muthamaini, are currently entangled in a land wrangle in Namanve Industrial Park, Daily Monitor has learnt.

The 0.484 hectares land sits on Plot 449 Block 133, Kyaggwe in Namanve, Mukono District. Both parties claim ownership of the land.
The plot is currently being guarded by security operatives.

Documents which Daily Monitor has seen show that both parties are claiming ownership of the land.
Mr Mumbere, through his company of Eagle Traders Ltd, bought the land from Alia Property Developers on January 23, 2018, at $225,000 (Shs860m)

Assumes ownership
The transfer of the land title into his names was made on February 2018 by the Registrar of Titles through a Stanbic Bank mortgage following a successful survey on the land to ascertain its boundaries and ownership.

Documents further show that Alia Properties had acquired the land from Green Hedges Estate Ltd on November 24, 2014. Green Hedges Estate Ltd had acquired the same land from Uganda Investment Authority (UIA). The body oversees the operations at the industrial park.
However, Mr Charles Frederick Otese, Mr Mumbere’s estates manager, said Maj Musinguzi quickly fenced off the land, claiming ownership.

“He [Maj Musinguzi] used the same material we had put on site and he fenced off the land. We later got clearance from authorities to repossess the land but I was arrested and later given a police bond. We bought this land in broad day light after going through a thorough procedures but an army official wants to grab our land with impunity because he works with the President,” Mr Otesse said.

He also claimed that Maj Musinguzi is threatening to cause trouble to him if he does not back off from the land.
However, Maj Musinguzi dismissed the claims, saying he bought the disputed land under clear procedures and got a title from the Uganda Land Commission (ULC).

His documents, copies of which this newspaper has seen, show that his company (Mmacks), acquired the same land from Ms Charlotte Kemigisha on February 8, 2017, at Shs770m. Maj Musinguzi said ULC had leased the land to Ms Kemigisha.
“Those people have their land on a different Block number [111] but they have gone ahead to claim my land, Plot 449 on Block 133 Kyaggwe yet I genuinely bought this land. I am a businessman with a high reputation and I cannot grab any one’s land. They should verify with the person who sold them that land,” he said.

Maj Musinguzi said both he and Mr Mumbere are victims of circumstances of an old land wrangle in Namanve involving government agencies.
Ms Stella Kanyike, the UIA spokesperson, acknowledged the dispute, but she said the land was released to Mr Mumbere, hence he is the legal occupant.

“But then another person has come up with claims of ownership of the same piece of land and he claims that his land title was issued by the Uganda Land Commission in 2016. If this is indeed the case, then there must have been a case of double allocation. We will follow up the matter to establish his claims,” Ms Kanyike said.
Efforts to speak to Mr Dennis Obbo, the Lands ministry spokesperson, to corroborate Maj Musinguzi’s claim were futile as he could not be reached.

Issue before land probe

Eagle Traders Ltd on June 7, petitioned the Justice Catherine Bamugemereire-led commission into land matters to resolve the impasse. The fight has had other investors to question ownership of land in the industrial park and they have since tasked government to probe all the wrangles to guarantee safety of ownership of the land that they have already acquired.