The EC in Uganda is promising to declare a military coup in Uganda as the National General Elections get near:

Dr Badru Kiggundu

the EC.



Posted  Thursday, December 17   2015 

The Electoral Commission (EC) Chairman, Dr Badru Kiggundu has said he will, on request by the government, authorise the deployment of the military to counter presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye’s defiance campaign.

“If the military is called to come in, I will approve. Yes, the military is part of Uganda; they are your brothers…” Dr Kiggundu said on Thursday.

Shortly after nomination for his fourth presidential bid, Dr Besigye declared “a campaign of defiance and not compliance” that will enable citizens “take back their power” from a dictatorship.

On Monday, FDC Wasswa Birigwa at the party headquarters in Najjanakubi, a Kampala suburb said: “Our campaign is standing on four legs; defiance, liberation, restructuring of state institutions and social-economic transformation... In particular what we mean by defiance is we shall not accept to adhere to any directive that is unlawful or any law that deviates from the universal human rights,”

But Dr Kiggundu said yesterday at the Uganda Human Rights Commission public dialogue held in Kampala aimed at facilitating a peaceful and violence-free electoral process, that such messages are inciting violence and only preparing the masses for violence if Dr Besigye loses.

Dr Kiggundu further attacked Dr Besigye describing “him as bad example to his youthful followers” and urged his supporters to first ask him [Besigye] why they should be on the frontline yet his family is “enjoying burgers” in foreign countries.

“If I were a young person, I would ask [Dr Besigye] where your son is in this campaign. In most times, they are in New York, London and elsewhere enjoying cheese burgers…” Dr Kiggundu said.

Dr Besigye could not be reached for a comment as his known telephone was unavailable but Forum for Democratic Change spokesperson, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, said in reaction to the comments: “Should [Dr] Kiggundu participate in rigging or allow the NRM to rig or announce a loser [as winner] our response is there with or without the military,” Mr Nganda, told the Daily Monitor by telephone yesterday.

Adding, “Did Museveni go with his family to the bush? For him to think that a revolution must happen when Anselm Besigye [Besigye’s son] is here… I do not understand why he [Dr Kiggundu] went to school,”

In an interview at the sidelines of the dialogue, Chief Political Commissar of the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) Col Felix Kulaigye, said the military will “support the Uganda Police Force when it is required” during the electoral process.

“Failure to protect and sustain peace in this country will be our [UPDF] failure and if people are announcing defiance, can we seat in our comfort barracks and watch?” Col Kulayigye asked.

Human rights lawyer, Nicolas Opiyo said by the EC boss calling in the intervention of the military, it is an indication that either the elections will not be free and fair or there will be violence thereafter.

“Mr Kiggundu seems to have no confidence in police and expects violence. He should instead make the election free and fair to avoid violence,” Mr Opiyo said, adding that attacks on candidates’ families are despicable.

Deputy attorney general, Mwesigwa Rukutana at the same event warned the media from inciting the public and urged all stakeholders to make the elections free, fair and peaceful.




Ekibiina kyobufuzi ekya Kabaka Yekka, UPC y’ Obote Ekiwera:

Obote yekyusiza abaamutuusa!



Mu mwaka 1965, Omubaka we kibiina kya KY Daudi Ocheng, yayisa ekiteeso kunsonga yokukusa zaabu we Congo namasanga g’enjovu, okubitunda munsi zebweru.

Dr Obote, nga Prime Minister, ne Minister Nekyon muganda wa Obote ne Onama Minister wa Defence bebatekebwa ko olunnwe nga bwebenyigira mulukwe luno.

Era Ocheng yaleeta ekiteeso ekirala, Colonel Amin okugira ng’awummuzibwako weeks bbiri nga Gavumenti bw’ebuuliriza.

Gwo omukago gwebyobufuzi wakati we kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya KY ne kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya UPC gwafiira ddala mu September 1964. Era 1965 gugenda okutuuka nga bangi ababaka ba UPC mu National Assembly (Parliament) bateesa kulaba nga bawera ekibiina kya Kabaka Yekka. Baakiyita kya bakyewaggula abatagoberera mateeka era abaagala okutabulatabula eddembe mu Uganda.

Abantu bangi baali bakwatiddwa era nga bali mu nkomyo na ddala e Luzira.

Obote yatekawo akakiiko kabulirize ku bya zaabu n’amasanga era abantu bangi ko baawa obujulirwa mu kakiiko ako, ebyama bingi ku kufuna n’okutunda zaabu n’amasanga ne bibikkulwa.

Naye report y’akakiiko bwe yaggwa Obote teyagifulumya! Parliement ye, Cabinet ye nabawagizi bangi aba UPC nebamuggyamu obwesige.

Yali asigazza kwesiga b’amagye bokka. Okuyimiriza Col. Amin yakigaana nakuza Amin mukifo kya Brigadier Opoloto. Mukuteesa kwa Cabinet okwaddako Obote yagenda kukwatta ba Minister be batano nabasibira e Luzira Criminal Prison.


Attorney General Peter Nyombi has scoffed at the Uganda Law Society, after the body threatened to boycott today's ceremonies to open the law year.

In a letter on Wednesday, ULS President Ruth Sebatindira urged lawyers to boycott the function in protest at President Museveni's failure to appoint a chief justice and deputy chief justice. But a defiant Nyombi told us on Wednesday that the function would go ahead with or without lawyers.

"Those who want to come will come; those who want to stay away, let them stay away but we shall go ahead with the function," Nyombi said.

Justice Steven Kavuma, who is acting both as chief justice and deputy chief justice, will preside at the ceremony at the High court in Kampala. The new law year is an annual meeting at which the judiciary states what it achieved the previous year and its targets in the new year. In the letter, Sebatindira decried the lack of substantive leadership in the judiciary.

"[It is my belief that we have to adopt a different approach as to how we support the judiciary on this matter."

At meeting in April 2014, Museveni told ULS that the positions would be filled once the constitutional petition challenging the reappointment of Benjamin Odoki as chief justice upon retirement was determined. Four months after that petition was disposed of, the president is yet to act.

Asked about the lack of a substantive chief justice, Nyombi said: "There is already an acting chief justice [Kavuma] who can perform all the functions."

However, Sebatindira says that the judiciary is being run ìunder scandalousî circumstances.

"We can no longer walk with our heads high to assure the citizenry that all is well in the judiciary because, all is not well," she said.

Nicholas Opiyo, a former ULS secretary general, told The Observer that like last year, he would not attend the function to be presided over by Kavuma.

"I respect Justice Kavuma as a judge but I cannot call him the deputy chief justice or the chief justice because it is illegal as the Constitutional court ruled," he said.

Kavuma told The Observer he was too busy to comment on Sebatindira's letter.


 The British Judge Allen

P J Allen and his judiciary at the time demonstrate the high quality of the judiciary at the time.
Judge Allen and Judge Manyindo presided over  the trials of most of the Amin era criminals. A majority of these criminals hired the best lawyers available in Uganda at the time, which invariably was Ayigihugu. Some like Abdallah Nasur were convicted but a good number were acquitted because of lack of direct evidence. Others like Edward Mulindwa even managed to lie low for a while before escaping to foreign lands.

 I hope your mate WBK does not judge those of us who participated in prosecuting these Amin era criminals as failures, in the same manner that he has judged the ICC prosecutors. Prosecutors are supposed to present the facts before the courts that can convince a court that an accused is quilty. In this, it has to work very closely with the Investigatory authorities, namely the police and law enforcement. In the case of the Amin criminals, the police did not give us enough information from their investigations that would allow a conviction to be  upheld.
It was particulalrly disappointing in the case of Bob Astles in whose case, the judge found he was always around the major killings we charged him with, especially the murders of Archbishop Luwum and Minister's Erinayo Oryema and Oboth-Ofumbi, but we could not connect him directly to the killings. With advance in DNA science these days and coupled with Edward Mulindwa's recent confessions about complicity in the murders, I think a good prosecutor would today nail Edward Mulindwa without doubt. What WBK does not understand, from your debates which I have followed,  is that the ICC prosecutors can only be good as the investigations put before it. The Satatute of the ICC puts a duty on Satte Authorities to cooperate with the ICC in investigating cases referred to it. if a state refuses, objects or even thwarts the invesigations, the direct result is that the Presecutors will not have serficient evidence to obtain a conviction. So Mensouda and her team have so far failed in their prosecution of Jomo Kenyatta, but this is because of the failure of GoK to cooperate in investigations. It is not because Mensouda and her team are bad lawyers as WBK keeps asserting. In fact the evidnce that they had gathered against Jomo Kenyatta was so compelling that any prosecutor would make a decision to prosecute. But faced with alkmost all key or material witnesses withdrawing or disappeared or intimidated, Mensouda had no choice but to withdraw the case.

The first important hurdle, that is the establishment of the International Criminal Court, has now been successfully overcome. States party to the Rome Treaty now have to decide ways and means by which they can strengthen the ICC's Investigatory capacity and authority, especially in cases where a suspect or accused  holds or is close to power. The UN Security Council has to give the Prosecutor extra-ordinary powers to investigatewith or without the cooperation of the State concerned. Th UN must also strengthen its Witness protection programme. Lastly, the Security Council must reserve to itself power to punish leaders, like Jomo Kenyatta and Omar Bashir who refuse to cooperate with the ICC investigations. This may mean imposing travel bans, arrest warrants and other other economic sanctions against them so that they the continue to swagger around like Jomo Kenyatta whn in fact they should be locked up in prison as dangerous criminals. 
Written by 
George Okello
Reviews by experts and politicians of the country’s eight-year experiment with multiparty politics have found cracks. Loud voices advocating a return to the no-party Movement system, are beginning to emerge.

Some political players claim the wrangling within the ruling NRM in the aftermath of the sacking of former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi is not good for the growth of multiparty democracy.

“NRM belongs to people who are faceless; until you step on their toes,  that’s when you will get to know who are the real owners of that party,” opposition Chief Whip Cecilia Ogwal (Dokolo Woman) said in a recent interview.

NRM has been accused of using its Parliamentary caucus to gag its members and subsequently killing free debate and parliamentary independence.

Kyankwazi retreat

During its 2013 retreat at Kyankwanzi, NRM MPs adopted a set of rules of procedure, criticized by political commentators as intended to gag the NRM MPs. The development followed a sharp disagreement between Parliament and Museveni over the mysterious death of former Butaleja MP Cerinah Nebanda in 2012.

“There have been initiatives by the opposition to keep the government in check but they could not go far because the NRM caucus sees them [initiatives] as adversarial manoeuvres,” said Hippo Twebaze, a political and policy analyst.

“If you take the Nebanda case and the oil debate in the first one and half years of the [current] Parliament, you would see some sort of legislative independence, but it has since gone down,” Twebaze adds.

In its rules of procedure, the NRM caucus adopted a three-line whipping system, which gives a strict instruction to members to attend parliament and vote in a particular way. Any MP who acts in breach of the rules is liable to punitive action, including expulsion from the party.

Four MPs; Theodore Ssekikubo (Lwemiyaga), Wilfred Niwagaba (Ndorwa East), Muhammad Nsereko (Kampala Central) and Barnabas Tinkasiimire (Buyaga West) were the first offenders.

“Some political party leaders want to control the thinking and the speaking of their members; this is worse with the ruling party,” said Niwagaba in an interview.

Although the quartet still hold their parliamentary seats, their expulsion scared many of their outspoken colleagues on the government side into shutting up.

“It is wrong for one to imagine that under a multi-party system, one shouldn’t hold their independent views,” Ssekikubo said.

“I don’t think that multipartyism is synonymous with gagging; under whatever political system in place, as long as I am an MP and not a member of the executive, I should be at liberty to voice the concerns of my people,” Ssekikubo added.

Parliament Speaker Rebecca Kadaga used the 25th Commonwealth Parliamentary Association seminar in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in May 2014, to vent her frustration at the ruling NRM government’s mode of operation. During the meeting, Kadaga claimed that debate in Parliament had been stifled because NRM MPs cannot freely speak without receiving instructions from the caucus.

Kadaga is NRM’s second national vice chairperson, and also a member of the ruling central executive committee, CEC, the second topmost decision- making organ of NRM. The caucus’ vice chairman David Bahati (Ndorwa West) said in an interview that despite the challenge of balancing NRM interests and individual interests of its members, the caucus encourages free speech.

“There is a lot of freedom for MPs to speak as long as what they say is in the interest of the country and in line with the party they represent,” Bahati said.

“They [MPs] can speak their mind constructively during the caucus meetings and rally their colleagues to support their positions which can eventually become the position of the party,” he added.


In a dissertation, Parliamentary Independence in Uganda and Kenya, 1962 – 2008, written for the State University of New York for his PhD in Political Science, John K. Johnson, notes that the absence of political parties in Uganda facilitated parliamentary independence during the sixth Parliament (1996 – 2001).

The independence was attributed to the absence of a government and opposition side in Parliament, which made it easier for MPs to support a position favourable to Parliament against the executive. According to Twebaze, the high degree of independence exhibited in the sixth Parliament was an eye-opener for President Museveni to start interfering with Parliament’s autonomy.

“The president’s interference shaped the performance of the next parliaments, some MPs were de-campaigned [in the 2001 elections] and in effect, the seventh Parliament did not confront the [executive],” said Twebaze.

“In its first year, the seventh Parliament tried but then conceded to the president on major issues like the removal of term limits from the Constitution,” Twebaze added.

With the restoration of multiparty politics in 2006 that saw the NRM winning more than a two-thirds majority both in the eighth and ninth Parliaments, Museveni’s influence over Parliament grew, resulting in a decline of its independence.

“The current government is president-driven, Parliament cannot act normally because Museveni is using the NRM caucus to entrench his interests, he has a lot of control over every activity of Parliament,” said Cecilia Ogwal.

Movement hangover

Joseph Balikuddembe Mutebi (Busiro South) relishes the days of the Movement system era when all MPs would freely contribute to debate in the House.

“Virtually, Parliament has lost its independence because caucusing has become the norm unlike the core function of Parliament elaborated in Article 79 of the Constitution,” Mutebi argued.

In their book, The Rise and Ebb of Uganda’s Parliament, Twebaze and Nelson Kasfir note that the absence of parties was an important factor in the success of Parliament. But the pace of legislative development “ebbed” once the country formally legalized multiparty politics and the boundaries between government and opposition were more firmly drawn.

An NRM MP who has been a lawmaker from the sixth Parliament, blames the loss of parliamentary independence on the MPs’ choice of patronage over their roles.

“It is forestalling the cardinal principle of Parliament, acting as a check and balance especially on the executive arm of government,” Niwagaba said.

“There is a tendency of those in leadership to fuse the executive with parliament and in a way whittle down the cardinal roles of MPs,” Niwagaba added.

But Stephen Tashobya, the chairperson of the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee, said much as the country embraced multiparty democracy, some MPs are still nursing a Movement hangover.

“Some want to talk on their individual merit, what you think is what you say, things have changed and this was a choice of Ugandans [that we adopt multi-party democracy], you can’t eat your cake and have it,” Tashobya said.

One-party system

Tashobya relates the workings of the NRM to Britain’s Conservative party that he says whips its members in more or less the same way as NRM does.

“You can’t run away from the party, because we are elected on the basis of party positions and platform; so, when we come to Parliament, we are supposed to actualize, to implement what the government promised the people,” Tashobya argued.

To enforce discipline among their members, other political parties also have an option of expulsion. UPC took the lead at the opening of the political space in 2005 when it expelled seven MPs: Ogwal, Omara Atubo (Otuke), Dr Okullo Epak (Oyam South), Dr Alex Okot (Moroto), Charles Angiro Gutomoi (Erute North), Tom Odur Anang (Kwania) and B’Leo Ojok (Kioga) who were opposed to the leadership of new president, Miria Kalule Obote.

FDC in 2010 expelled two of its MPs; Beti Kamya (Lubaga North) and Alex Onzima (Maracha). Kamya was punished for forming a rival political party (Uganda Federal Alliance) while Onzima’s charge was hobnobbing with NRM. Ogwal, now an FDC MP, argues that despite the expulsions, her party MPs are free to speak their mind.

Article 8(d) of the DP constitution also lists expulsion as a punitive measure against its members but like other opposition parties, DP is not keen on doggedly controlling what its members speak. DP Legal Advisor Fred Mukasa Mbidde said DP is keener on shielding its members from the long arm of NRM influence.

“[NRM] has silenced all the other [parties]…,” Mbidde said.

“Multiparty democracy has not been given a chance to operate in Uganda, what exists is a single party; a dictablanda or democradura [dictatorship] but not a democracy,” Mbidde argued.

Beside party controls, Twebaze argued, Parliament’s performance is also undermined by the financial status of the MPs as well as the quality of people elected to Parliament.

“The quality and experience of the MPs needs to be considered. Look at where they jumped from to join Parliament, it makes it hard for them to build coalitions to oppose, modify or give an alternative to government proposals,” Twebaze says.


This article was produced with support from the African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME)

UPC founder Milton Obote

The term movement legacy was first coined by professor emeritus, Goran Hyden in 2011, and by it I mean a pattern of political behavior that characterized anti-colonial nationalist movements in their struggles for independence.

Half a century since most countries gained independence, this form of behavior continues to shape ruling- and opposition party politics in Africa and Uganda, while frustrating the prospects for deepening democracy.


Nationalist movements in Uganda were spearheaded by three main sections: World War II veterans, a small not so well-educated elite class of clerical workers, and leaders of a nascent civil society.  These groups were united by a single but multi-faceted cause, namely to vanquish the colonial masters and take charge of the state apparatus.

Other than this mission, these groups remained committed to their particular identities. The issues were varied and subordinate to the cause. The anti-colonial movements adopted a simple but important strategy of popular mobilization for the cause. It was rare and in most cases illegal to campaign.

Most notably the movement against the British took place at the level of society because there were no representative bodies such as parliaments or legislative councils until much later in the struggle.  Membership to these movements was rather diffuse and fluid, but because there was a single movement, this was not detrimental to its dynamic and operation.

Typically anti-colonial movements reified the person of the leader, and were not built on competition. The latter was not necessary because of the consensus that was built around the anti-colonial struggle and the proclivity to lean toward personalities rather than structure and organization.  Finally, social movements seldom value or subject themselves to formal (legal) limits to resource claims.

Political parties (DP, UPC, etc) that emerged out of these movements and are yet to shed their movement skins or disavow movement political behavior.  First, a cursory look at post-independence Ugandan politics demonstrates how parties are driven by “a cause” rather than a systematic articulation of specific issues.

Among Uganda’s opposition parties today the cause is ‘remove Museveni’ or ‘reform the Electoral Commission’ or ‘de-couple the state from the NRM-O’. Rarely does a discourse on issues take precedence over the cause de jour.

This is partly a consequence of the absence of ideological orientation among the parties; and without ideology, it’s hard to project a coherent, well-reasoned set of issues that would drive a campaign and thus enable ascendancy into government.  But lack of ideology also raises another key issue inherited from the pre-colonial movements, namely the lack of specific party identity.

Affiliation to the parties is diffuse just as was the case with pre-colonial social movements. In Uganda’s early history, this characteristic was the underpinning to the frequent crossing of the floor of parliament by MPs.

Today, the phenomenon of so-called Independents in parliament is the closest to crossing the floor, given that the process of abandoning one’s party in midway through the terms is outside the law. Not unlike the opposition parties, the ruling NRM party seldom articulates issues in a systematic manner except in the run-up to elections, when roads or business parks are commissioned, banks rebranded, job centers set up, etc.

The cause for the movement party in this case has changed over time but lately it has become an entrenchment project; and the intensity of party loyalty and identity with the NRM is also subject to debate.


Second, parties, both incumbent and in the opposition, typically mobilize, rather than campaign. It’s, indeed, hard to campaign effectively if issues are not the main elements undergirding the methods of political operation.

Related to this point is that mobilization, by definition, circumscribes competition, which explains why it is a dying breed in Uganda.  In their mobilization schemes, Africa’s political organizations, most notably incumbent parties aim at co-opting and/or marginalizing political contestants while eschewing competition.

President Museveni often disparages opposition parties and chides voters who don’t elect NRM flag bearers as having made mistakes. For him, the weaker the opposition the better; or better still he wishes they didn’t exist at all. Clearly the president places very little value in opposition parties as building blocks of a healthy, vibrant and deepening democracy.

The result is the emergence of a dominant (even hegemonic) movement party system in Uganda, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Eritrea, Rwanda, etc.

Thirdly, Ugandan parties are extremely personalistic. Their organizations and structures are weak not unlike their social movement forebears. As a result, when Col Kizza Besigye stepped aside, the FDC suffered a heart attack with the left ventricle (or Mafabi wing) disconnecting from the right ventricle (or Mugisha Muntu/Alaso faction).

The Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) has not recovered from the demise of its founders especially Dr Milton Obote. It too is fragmented along several quite visible fault lines.  Can anyone think about/imagine the NRM without Yoweri Museveni? Or ZANU-PF without Mugabe or the Rwandan Patriotic Front without Kagame? What is particularly intriguing in making this observation is that leaders deliberately encourage these personality cult-like tendencies.

Fourthly, in their bid to fulfill the cause, social movements are not restrained by law especially as they lay claim to resources. This piece of the movement legacy is also undoubtedly clear in Uganda. Rule of law is not appreciated in principle but, rather, in instrumentalist terms, i.e. it’s respected only when it is convenient and expedient.

The implication of this is that rules and norms governing parties may be altered without reference to their significance; and constitutional engineering becomes common practice. Some laws may be passed without quorum while constitutions may be altered to, for example, remove presidential term limits. On the opposition side, we have recently seen DP president Mao appealing to the likes of Erias Lukwago and other factions to respect party structures and rules as they vie for leadership positions.

Finally, movements operate at the level of society as pointed out above. This characteristic is even more pronounced in Uganda and in Africa as a whole because culturally we operate at a very informal (rather than formal) level.

Unlike typical parties whose arena of operation is primarily parliament, movement focus and influence is mostly limited to the (civil) societal level. It is this variable that best explains the use of patronage as a mobilization tool.

Agents in society quickly take on the role of clients while those in power and with access to state resources become patrons. The resulting patron-clientelist networks inevitably breed corruption and erode the mechanisms of accountability and transparency.


To the extent that the ‘movement legacy’ is a historically determined, genetic flaw in the make-up of African parties, it stands to reason that for now it matters not which party takes power. Clearly there is a need for a mutation of sorts if party behavior is to change.

And change must begin with efforts towards institutionalization of political parties and of politics in general. In its present form, democracy on the continent precariously revolves around the holding of regular elections and clearly this is not enough. Competition must be encouraged, political spaces expanded and rule of law strengthened.

The emergence of issue-based politics, political transparency and accountability represent other milestones on the road toward a deeper democratic dispensation.

The author is a professor of Political Science at Roanoke College, Virginia, USA.

The new Chief Judge of the NRM Judiciary Mr Katureebe has asked for a list of corrupt judges that grace the Resistance Movement judiciary institution:

Chief Justice Bart Katureebe.

Chief Justice Bart Katureebe.

PHOTO BY Michael Kakumirizi


Posted  Saturday, May 2  2015
Following prevalent outcry over rampant corruption among judges and magistrates, the Chief Justice Bart Katureebe has launched an anti-corruption crackdown to restore public confidence in Judiciary.

Justice Katureebe has also written to retired Supreme Court judge George Kanyeihamba and senior lawyer Peter Mulira to forward to him names of corrupt judges and other judicial officers they have been referring to during public functions.

The campaign to crack down on corruption in the Judiciary was launched on Thursday, according to a press statement from the Judiciary public relations office. The statement quotes Justice Katureebe warning that no judicial official or support staff will be spared of investigations once they are implicated.

The Chief Justice wrote to Justice Kanyeihamba, Mr Peter Mulira and Presidential Press Secretary Tamale Mirundi, asking them to name the corrupt judicial officers they have been talking about.

“We need to move and tackle issues of alleged corruption in the Judiciary…furnish me with the evidence in your possession so that the necessary course of action is taken in accordance with the law and the constitution,” Justice Katureebe wrote to the three individuals.

“All responsible citizens of our country should not only speak out about the perceived malpractice in the Judiciary, but should come out and help in finding a solution to the problem. Let us work together to improve and strengthen the administration of justice in our country,” Justice Katureebe added.

The press statement signed by senior communications officer Solomon Muyita said the Judiciary has prepared a series of public engagements with civic leaders and the public to partly keep open lines of communication and to explain the functions of the Judiciary and the courts at the different levels.

The statement said a number of reforms will be made to clean up the Judiciary. The reforms include assigning a Supreme Court judge to head the Inspectorate of Courts, a section of Judiciary that inspects courts and deals with corruption issues, which is currently headed by a deputy registrar of the High Court.

The statement further said the Judiciary has started a process of setting up a customer care telephone numbers and feedback hotlines for the public to make general inquiries and also report errant court staff who demand bribes from the litigants.

Justice Katureebe said once a prima facie (credible) case has been established against a judicial officer, his/her name will be forwarded to the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) for disciplinary action and the evidence and decisions will be shared with the public.

He, however, cautioned the public not to equate wrong court decisions, which can be appealed, to corruption.

During a public function last week, the Principal Judge Yorokamu Bamwine, urged the Chief Justice to approach Justice Kanyeihamba and Mr Mulira to give him names of the judicial officers they had claiming are corrupt so that they can be dealt with accordingly.

Justice Bamwine explained that by naming the corrupt judicial officers, it will save the judicial staff from the collective sin of the “Adam and Eve” style.

“I hope I speak for a number of my colleagues on this point, Lord Chief Justice when I propose that you get better particulars from lawyers like Mulira and Prof Kanyeihamba and take appropriate action through the JSC and the President so that the sheep are separated from the goats in order to protect the integrity of those doing an excellent job. All judicial staff should not suffer collective sin like the descendants of Adam and Eve,” Justice Bamwine told the Chief Justice.

Addressing lawyers in Entebbe two weeks ago, Justice Kanyeihamba said he knew at least half a dozen of Ugandan judges who receive ‘enkoko’ (a reference for bribes) and castigated the Uganda Law Society for not taking action about them. However, he did not name the corrupt judges.

On Thursday, Prof Kanyeihamba said he was “very ready” to name the corrupt judges he had been referring to if the Chief Justice contacted him.

The Judiciary has been ranked one of the most corrupt government institutions in various corruption surveillance surveys.




EC warns against personal attacks

Electoral Commission chairman Badru Kiggundu (L) speaks at the National Consultative Forum in Arua District.




Posted  Monday, May 25  2015 

Arua. The chairperson of the Electoral Commission (EC) has warned all those seeking office in the 2016 general elections to desist from the politics of character assassination.

Mr Badru Kiggundu asked the politicians to pursue issue-based campaigns that promote democracy.

“I have always said we are still young in democracy because there is still character assassination versus issue- based campaigns. Talk about issues. What has character got to do with campaigns? God created people in different ways. Let us chase issues not personalities,” Mr Kiggundu said.

He was speaking at the National Consultative Forum meeting held in Arua Town on Thursday. Mr Kiggundu said the concept of multiparty politics is not yet well understood and appreciated by citizens as well as leaders. He, however, painted a rosy picture for the future.

“There is no country that has had perfect elections but we aim to get there someday. As human beings, we make some mistakes. Even countries such as the United States of America that have practiced democracy for long still make mistakes during elections,” he said.

West Nile sub-region has in the past elections seen candidates contesting for political office at various levels use strategies such as nick-naming, mudslinging and composing songs with messages that cast their opponents in bad taste.

However, Mr Kiggundu appealed to politicians to be tolerant of one another irrespective of tribe, religion and political affiliation during campaigns.

The former presidential candidate, Dr Abed Bwanika, said there was a need for national dialogue involving all political parties as a way of championing the growth of democracy.

Mr Titia Kamure, the UPC national vice chairperson, said there is a need for electoral reforms ahead of the next general election in 2016.


Since independence, Uganda has had few elections. These include; the Legislative Council of 1958, the referendum of 1961, and general elections in 1980, 1996, 2006 and 2011.





This gentleman

(Politician) running Political Movement Democratic Elections in the young country of Uganda is indeed God sent! 

















Abasoga nabo baaweereza entungo ensekule eri Kattikiro Apollo Kaggwa agende e Bungereza okuloopa Gavana Sir Frederick Crowford olwokumuwu


Ekyakabi olwatuuka e Nairobi entungo ne bagibba. Era nalwala nanyo. Eyo gye yafiira nga 14/02/1927. Yaleetebwa n'aziikibwa e Mannyangwa nga 21/02/1927. Omuyimbi kwekuyimba bwati:


Okumanya ng'Abakyuku

yu babbi, Kawalya baamubbako akatwalo k'entungo, Ab'eBusoga baamuweereza nsekule, Ate Kawalya yali musiru bambi, Anti entungo yagikubamu ejjiiko,

Yalaama nti we balinziika balimangawo entungo, Abaana gye banaalyanga, Nga bazze okulima NNUMETE




of Uganda warned to accept to reform electoral NR

Movement laws  or this activist group will occupy Parliament House:

By Stephen Kafeero


Posted  Wednesday, February 18  2015 
The Electoral and constitutional reform activists have warned they will occupy Parliament if by the end of March 2015, MPs and government continue to ignore the Citizen’s Compact. 

The compact contains a set of reforms aimed at ensuring a credible election in 2016.

Mr Godber Tumushabe, the head of the consultation secretariat of the Citizens Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, said the failure by MPs to take the reforms process seriously will compel them to move on the House. 

“We have looked at the potential triggers because we are not anarchists. MPs have to invite us by their actions. We must also create a credible threat for these MPs and the President to know that if we are ignored, something big will happen,” Mr Tumushabe said on Monday.

According to their plan, the activists’ campaign will be triggered by MPs if they ignore the issues contained in the compact; if Parliament and the Executive delay in tabling and discussing the reforms and if Parliament reduces the debate on reforms to token issues.

However, Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda on Monday told Daily Monitor that there should be no cause for worry because government is at the forefront of pushing for reforms.

“Government is spearheading the reforms process. We shall come out with a comprehensive position and that is why government has not commented on specific reforms because we are consulting the various stakeholders.”

Key reforms proposed

• President’s tenure should be restored to two five-year terms.

• Size of Parliament should be reduced in line with modest resources of the State.

• New independent and impartial electoral commission must be established. 

• New verifiable register of all voters, which should include eligible Ugandans in the diaspora, must be compiled.

• Voting for LC3, LC5, Parliament and President should be conducted on one day.

• Military should have no involvement whatsoever in the electoral process.

• President should relinquish command of the armed forces to the Joint Chiefs, and must not serve as chairman of UDPF High Command during elections.

• Workers should be removed from special interest group representation since issues of workers can be represented by all MPs.

• Army representatives should be removed from Parliament.

• The National Institute for Political Education at Kyankwanzi should be abolished and replaced by a National Institute for Administration under an independent Board of Directors. 

• Cabinet ministers should not be MPs.

• The office of the Resident District Commissioner should be abolished.


A Democratic of a Political Party Mr Mbidde has ordered the closure of DP offices:

Masaka District Democratic Party (DP) Chairperson Fred Mukasa Mbidde.

File photo

By Issa Aliga

Posted  Tuesday, May 5  2015  

Masaka District Democratic Party (DP) Chairperson Fred Mukasa Mbidde has ordered for the indefinite closure of party offices following growing disagreements in the party.

This follows Monday commotion at the office after nullification of Kimaanya/Kyabakuza Division grassroots election results over irregularities.

A section of party members led by Brenda Nambirige, Nalubyayi Zahara and Sarah Namyalo among others filed a petition challenging the election results for Kimaanya/Kyabakuza division citing irregularities in the polls.

However, one of the petitioners Nalubyayi after sensing that the petition could lead to quashing of the results, decided to pull out causing commotion between the members supporting her move and those against it.

Mr Mbidde asked police to close down the offices until members are calm adding that they will be opened up under new rules and regulations.

The development comes barely a day after a brawl ensued between DP leaders in Masaka District on how to resolve pending petitions in the just concluded party grassroots election.

The fight started when Masaka DP chairman Fred Mukasa Mbidde stormed a tribunal meeting arguing it was illegally constituted.

Mr Mbidde, who is also the DP legal adviser, claimed he had powers of attorney of Mr Layrus Mayanja, who had been appointed to chair the panel hearing the petitions. Mr Mayanja was reported to be sick.

This did not go well with some members led by Mr Dick Lukyamuzi, the DP chairman for Bukoto East Constituency, who turned a deaf ear to Mr Mbidde’s claims.

Mr Mbidde, who is also the East African Legislative Assembly legislator, is reported to have been kicked out of the meeting venue prompting him to dash to his vehicle from where he returned with an object which some members claimed was a knife and chased his pursuers.

Mr Lukyamuzi filed a case against Mr Mbidde at Masaka Central Police Station. The southern region police spokesperson, Mr Noah Sserunjoji, confirmed the report.

“Police have received a complaint from Mr Dick Lukyamuzi accusing Mr Mukasa Mbidde of threatening violence and we are investing the matter,” Mr Sserunjoji said. Mr Mbidde declined to comment on the incident.

Factions developed within the DP leadership in Masaka following the April 30 grassroots polls after it emerged that a group that broke ranks with the party in 2010 to form the Suubi pressure group had won a landslide.


If power belongs to the people of Uganda, then why are MPs silent on a  law concerning their electorate, to be able to recall them?

27 November, 2017

Written by Pius Muteekani Katunzi


Mr Pius Muteekani Katunzi



Have you noticed that the Constitution has become a National Resistance Movement (NRM) constitution at best and its policy paper at worst! 

Whichever article disagrees with the whims of some NRM leaders or what their manifesto says, then the caucus sits and resolves to amend the document (article).

In 2005, the NRM reasoned that a vulnerable country like Uganda with ‘fragile democracy’ should not lose a resourceful leader in President Museveni just because the Constitution says so. So, two-term limits were removed amidst allegations of bribery.

One of the promoters of this point was former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi.  During the 2016 televised presidential debate, Mbabazi was asked whether there was one thing he regretted not having done while in power.

He said he regretted having failed to fight dictatorship when he had a chance. Whatever that meant! But I can hazard an interpretation to that. Perhaps one of the things that has entrenched dictatorship is the ease with which the Constitution has been played with in the interest of one person.

Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi and other MPs in support of amending article 102(b) say that the removal of presidential age limits will give Museveni time to deliver Uganda to the middle-income status.

But the Constitution is not supposed to work for the whims of leaders. Leaders must work in accordance with the Constitution. It can be safely said that now the Uganda Constitution has been turned into a wobbly law, which must be amended whenever the NRM has a change of mind or whenever their interests are restrained by the provisions therein.

In 2014, the NRM changed their constitution and gave unfettered powers to President Museveni, their party chairman, to appoint and disappoint top party leaders. Formerly, these were elective positions.

I would not be surprised if, after amending article 102(b) in favour of NRM wishes, article 113 and 142(1) are amended too. Article 113 (1) requires the president to nominate persons qualified to be elected as MPs to cabinet, with the approval of parliament.

There is a parliamentary appointments committee, which vets ministerial nominees and other public officials such as judges. However, this committee has never had the verve to do its work right.

In the present cabinet, there are persons who clearly never qualified to be ministers but were approved by this committee, most of whose members belong to NRM.

So, I wouldn’t be surprised if a proposal was tabled to get rid of parliamentary approvals altogether. Article 142 (1), which requires the president to appoint judicial officers such as the chief justice, deputy chief justice, principal judges, justices and judges on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) and with approval of parliament, may also be dispensed with.

Remember that when former Chief Justice Benjamin Odoki retired, the president wanted him to serve for two more years until the Constitutional court in the Gerald Karuhanga v Attorney General case ruled otherwise.

The president has always argued that Uganda needs to harness its rare human resource. This time, the proponents may argue that they need to do this in order to equip court with cadre judges who many not make judgments that frustrate the NRM manifesto! This is as ridiculous as it can get!

The vigour with which the Constitution is diluted and its sanctity frowned upon reminds me of a story told by a prominent legal mind.

He once told me that when you invite people for a party and serve them all tribes of alcohol, there are times when the instinct of care for the aftereffects of the party arises. And usually, as a good host, there are times when you see that your guests need to be advised to reduce on the consumption of alcohol and, instead, take some water to curb dehydration and resultant hangovers.

But if you try to stop them instantly, no one would agree with you, and you might even be insulted for being a stingy host.

It appears some NRM politicians feasting on the national cake and sponsoring all these manners of constitutional amendments are like those guests who drink and can’t brook any advice of restraint on their intake. They don’t care about the possible discomfort of a hangover when the party is done.

The pro-amendment MPs have chosen to enjoy the moment and care less about the future. Strangely, these MPs that claim to care a lot about the power of the people in the democratic governance of this country have been very protective of their turf. 

For instance, article 84(1) and (7) became inoperative the moment Uganda adopted multiparty democracy. This article gave a right to the electorate to recall their representatives before the expiry of their term of office on such grounds as misconduct, ridicule, deserting the electorate without reasonable cause, among others.

But article 84(7) provides that the right to recall a member of parliament shall only exist while the Movement political system is in operation. There are no prizes for guessing why this article has not been amended to return the power to the people to recall the MPs.

The author is the business development director at The Observer Media Limited.





Akakiiko k'ebyokulonda wano e Uganda kamaliride okugenda mumaaso nebyokulonda bya bakulembeze bomubyalo enfuga ya NRM gyeyaleeta(LC1) mukufuga kwa Uganda eyefuga:

Bya Muwanga Kakooza


Added 2nd March 2017


Simon Byabakama akulira ebyokulonda eyakalondebwa kumulimu gwokulonda mu Uganda yonna.



Abakungu b'akakiiko bagambye nti baawereza gavumenti bajeti yabwe ya buwumbi 16 okutegeka okulonda kuno era kalinze ssente kagende maaso n'entegeka zaako era abantu bonna abaaneetaba mu kulonda kuno kabebe ''banene'' nga nabo (ab'akakiiko) mwe bali bajja kusimba mu migongo.

Ssentebe w'akakiiko kano, Simon Byabakama abadde n'abakungu b'akakiiko abawerako bino babitegeezezza mu lukung'ana lwa bannamawulire ku kitebe kyabwe.


Kino kiddiridde abantu bangi okukaayana nti okulonda kw'okusimba mu migongo kusikuula fitina era abamu ne batiisa obutakwetabaamu.

Babadde babayise okwogera ku nteekateeka z'okuddamu okulonda kw'e Moroto, Kamuli Municipality ne Aruu North.

E Moroto, eyali omubaka Annie Logiel yafa ng'okuddamu okulonda kwa April 26 ,2017 . Okubasunsula kwa April 6 ne 7 ,2017.

E Kamuli akakiiko kategeezezza nti kajja kulangirira entegeka z'okuddamu okulonda oluvannyuma lw'abadde akiikirirayo, Rehema Watongola okuwandulwamu  lwa butaba na buyigirize.

Byabakama agambye nti ku lunaku lw'okusunsula abagenda okuvuganya e Kamuli bajja kusunsula yenna anajja n'ebisaanizo, Watongola ne bw'anaaba akomyewo bajja kuddamu balabe oba abirina.

Watongola yazzeeyo n'akola Ssiniya ey'omukaaga omwaka oguwedde era agamba nti ebiwandiiko abirina.



Kilabika abakulembeze bebyalo bakulondebwa kifuba na migo, nambukuuli, nabivumo nebilala byonna. Yo Police erina kwongezebwa abaserikali nga 5 buli kyalo. Onenya otya omulonzi atagendeyo oba anagendayo neyelwanako olwa rights ze ezokulonda abamukulembera wano mubyalo bya Africa.



The Opposition in Uganda is waking up to the realities of a credible process of Democracy in the country:




Leader of Opposition, Ms Winnie Kiiza and Kalungu West MP Joseph Ssewungu addressing journalists at parliament on Monday.


By Alex Esagala


Members of the Opposition in parliament on Monday boycotted vetting of new Electoral Commission (EC) appointed by President Museveni recently.

According to the Leader of Opposition, Ms Winnie Kiiza, the ongoing vetting is illegal.
“Our boycott is not a mere waste of time. We are representing our people. Let the people of Uganda know that President Museveni is a liar. He appointed a commission that is in his favour,” said Ms Kiiza.

President Museveni last month appointed a new EC team headed by Justice Simon Byabakama ending speculation on who would replace the Dr Badru Kiggundu led one.

READ:Unanswered questions as Kiggundu leaves office

The other appointees include Hajjat Aisha Lubega (vice chairperson) and commissioners Peter Emorut, Steven Tashobya, Prof George Piwang and Mustapha Ssebaggala Kigozi. The new appointees, if approved by the appointments committee of parliament, will join Ms Justin A. Mugabi whose tenure at EC is yet to expire.

Commenting on the appointment of the new EC team, former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye last month said under the current system, the “new” EC like other institutions “can only service the dictator”.
“I have been seeing the debate about the Electoral Commission whether these are good commissioners or not. It is an irrelevant debate,” he said.
He urged Ugandans not to be excited about the leadership at the electoral body but focus on electoral reforms.
“It doesn’t matter, they will all be some form of Kiggundus regardless of whether they have big or small eyes,” he said.


But then the majority NRM Parliament has approved the new EC amid protests:

By Nicholas Wassajja

Added 5th December 2016 

PIC: Newly appointed Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama at Parliament on Monday. (Credit: Maria Wamala)

KAMPALA - As the vetting of the newly appointed Electoral Commission was under way in one side of the parliament building on Monday, the Leader of Opposition in parliament Winnie Kiiza alongside Democratic Party chief whip Joseph Ssewungu were holding a news conference to dissociate themselves from the process.

The duo, who are also members of the committee, reasoned that the move was intended to deny the process legitimacy until President Yoweri Museveni meets his end of the deal to meet other members of the Interparty Organization for Dialogue (IPOD) to among others discuss possibilities of having political and electoral reforms.

"IPOD agreed with Museveni that a meeting will be convened by the Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda to discuss how the Electoral Commission is selected," said Kiiza.

"Therefore we can't be part of the group announcing a new team before this discussion is held," she told reporters.





Kabaka Mutebi’s reign: It is a Kingship in Buganda ‘without Authority’ in a Uganda Republic enacted by Obote:


Posted October 2nd 2016

Kabaka Mutebi drums at his coronation anniversary in Bulange, Mengo.


In Summary

  • Final episode.
  • Buganda leaders say the Constitution does not indicate the scope of the Kabaka’s authority
  • When they were bargaining for the restoration of the kingdom, they fronted ekitiibwa (glory) and not authority.

By Gillian Nantume


Since the late 19th Century, almost every Kabaka has faced unique challenges. It would seem there has never been a comfortable fit for Buganda within the protectorate or the republic.

In 1843, Ssekabaka Ssuna II donated his favourite wife, Gwokyalya, to the Sultan of Zanzibar after she embarrassed him by publically acclaiming the good looks of his Arab visitors. In 1876, Ssekabaka Muteesa I slaughtered Muslim converts after they rejected him as their Mufti. In 1886, Ssekabaka Mwanga II rebelled against the British, executing Christian converts.

By the time Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa II was crowned, the absolute authority of the kabakas was a thing of the past. It was in his son’s reign that the kingdom was abolished.

Kingship without authority
Joash Mayanja-Nkangi, who was Katikkiro (Buganda prime minister) in 1966, believes Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi’s greatest challenge is a kingship without authority.

“In the 1962 Constitution, Mengo was mandated to have seven ministries. The Lukiiko (parliament) was legally constituted. We made laws that governed everyone in Buganda. We could institute penalties because we had our own courts. We even collected taxes. Now, the Constitution says the institution of the Kabaka was restored, but what exactly was restored?” he asks.

Rhetorically, Mayanja-Nkangi asks if the restored institution was modelled on the absolute power of Muteesa I or the federation of Muteesa II, wondering why no lawyer has petitioned the Constitutional Court for an interpretation.

“Without legal authority, the kabakaship is living off empisa y’ensi (people’s goodwill) where Baganda make financial contributions out of their tremendous love for the Kabaka, not because the law compels them to do so,” he says.

He argues that Mengo should have petitioned the Constitutional Court, although “When you are in Mengo you have to be very careful. If the central government returned a tip of the iceberg, they can remove it. You must understand their reluctance to pursue the issue”. 
Omutaka Kibaale Daniel Nanziri Nadduli shares Mayanja-Nkangi’s misgivings, saying right from the 1900 Agreement the Kabaka has been isolated.

“The Constitution does not indicate the scope of the Kabaka’s authority. They left him with only ekitiibwa (glory). It is true that when we were bargaining for the restoration, we fronted ekitiibwa. It is not easy to convince a military government to restore a king. We could not bargain for authority when there was no kingship first,” Kibaale says.

He blames Baganda in the Constituent Assembly (CA) for failing Buganda. In 1995, on the floor of Parliament, Ssabalangira Besweri Mulondo dealt a blow to Buganda’s hopes of attaining power and federalism.

The extent of the damage became evident in 2010 when then Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi was denied entry into Kayunga where he had gone to prepare for the Kabaka’s visit to mark Buganda Youth Day.

Many died in the ensuing violence, and without authority, Buganda can only hope the situation does not reoccur.

The Federo question 
Two years after the restoration, Buganda came close to attaining its pre-1966 federal status. When the issue was put to a vote in the CA, Buganda’s delegates failed to make the 51 number needed to win the day.

Besides attaining power, the demand for federo was premised on the fact that while the government took care of providing security, the developmental issues in the local communities would be seen to by the kingdom.

Mr Noah Kiyimba, the information minister and spokesman of Buganda Kingdom, agrees that federo has been a challenge to the Kabaka.


Dr Besigye and his wife Mrs Byanyima are going to get NRM jubilee medals, just after a rigged National Election in the country of Uganda:

Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and his wife Winnie Byanyima are among the current and former legislators to be awarded the Golden Jubilee medal later this month

Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and his wife Winnie Byanyima are among the current and former legislators to be awarded the Golden Jubilee medal later this month.
Both former legislators feature on the awardees list published by parliament.

“The Speaker of Parliament in conjunction with the Presidential Awards Committee have organised the Golden Jubilee Awards Ceremony for Members of Parliament who have served in the different legislatures from the time of Uganda’s independence,” a parliament statement reads. The awards will according to the House statement, be given in “recognition to their service to the nation”.
Ms Byanyima, is the former Mbarara Municipality MP while Dr Besigye was both a member of the National Resistance Council (NRC) and the Constituent Assembly(CA) which preceded the current House.
It is not clear whether the couple which is currently out of the country will attend the September 26 awards ceremony, at the Kampala Serena Hotel. President Museveni usually presides and decorates the recipients.
Ms Byanyima was in 2010 among a group that was awarded the Nalubaale and Rwenzori medals. Nalubaale is awarded to civilians while Rwenzori is awarded to military personnel.
Although he actively participated in the 1981-86 NRA/NRM liberation struggle, as among others President Museveni’s personal physician, Dr Besigye has never been awarded any medal while his contemporaries have picked many.
In 2001, Mr Museveni said his now four time challenger would be awarded a medal for his participation in the liberation struggle. Mr Museveni was speaking after the 2001 presidential elections in which Dr Besigye had challenged him for the first time.
In 2013, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party president Mugisha Muntu was one of the 96 people who were awarded the 50th independence golden jubilee medals alongside President Museveni’s son and Special Forces Commander, Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Mr Muntu did not attend the awards ceremony. FDC has in the past objected to the rationale used to award the medals.
Gen David Sejusa

‘I warned Besigye on this planned coup but he doubted me’

Out of jail, Gen David Sejusa has said President Museveni’s re-election and the Supreme court’s unanimous decision to uphold it was a grand coup d’état that robbed Dr Kizza Besigye of a deserved victory.

The Electoral Commission (EC) declared President Museveni winner of the February 18 presidential elections with over 5 million votes (representing 60.75 percent) followed by Besigye with 3.3 million votes (35.37%) and AmamaMbabazi with (1.4%).

Both Besigye and Mbabazi disputed the results. Mbabazi later unsuccessfully challenged the election results in the Supreme court, which unanimously ruled that President Museveni was validly elected.

Sejusa, who was released on bail last week by the High court, made a stinging attack yesterday on the entire management of the electoral process.  He was at the High court for the hearing of his case in which he is urging court to declare him ‘constructively discharged’ from the army.

The case was adjourned to Wednesday by judge Margaret Oguli.

“Kizza Besigye was not defeated; he won the election and his votes were not only stolen; this was a coup, which was qualified by the Supreme court’s nine justices whose panel was appointed towards the elections as an election tool to purposely make a unanimous favourable solicited decision,” Sejusa said. “I remember warning Besigye on this planned coup but like other Ugandans, he doubted me.”

Sejusa also claimed that the EC, led by Dr Badru Kiggundu, followed tailormade tactics like delivering electoral materials late in the most populous areas believed to be supporting the opposition.

He said there was total abrogation of the Constitution and the electoral laws ‘by willing thieving parties’ before, during, and after elections in areas where the opposition had popular support, which included intimidating and arresting agents of the opposition candidates.

“How can you deliberately deny people in the most populous opposition districts of Kampala and Wakiso to vote, knowing there are about three million voters here alone? How can you declare a winner of the presidential election when 1.8 million voters’ results have not been submitted yet those results were nearer [in Kampala] than those from say Karamoja, where the incumbent had more support,” Sejusa said.

On February 20 when Kiggundu declared the Museveni winner, about 1.8 million votes had not been tallied. Kiggundu justified his action by saying that even if the first runner-up (Besigye) had swept all the untallied votes, President Museveni would still have won with more than 50 percent plus one vote, which is the constitutional majority required for anyone to win a presidential election.

Sejusa, however, said that declaring Museveni winner before the 1.8 million votes were tallied substantially affected Besigye’s final tally. He also harshly criticized the judges for being allegedly biased.

“As if defending the respondents, the Chief Justice Bart Katureebe Magunda was heard and seen asking the petitioner’s lawyers the source of the few hard copies of the results declarations forms they had, even a blind person could see this bias,” Sejusa added.


He said that had the results of Kampala, Mpigi, Jinja and Wakiso and Mbale been tallied in time and ballot stuffing and other forms of rigging were not carried out, Museveni’s percentage would have been below 60 and that of Besigye would have been above 35.

Sejusa, who is still battling suspended charges in the General Court Martial (GCM) relating to his involvement in political activity in the last election cycle, said even results of a school election for a prefect cannot be declared using partial elections.

“This cannot be described as rigging but a coup. NRM people, plus the electoral body stole until they could steal no more because the victory was so huge that is the reason the 1.8m votes were tabulated after declaring Museveni the winner,” Sejusa added.

He said though he was in prison, he was following the elections keenly by reading newspapers and other sources.

“Besigye realized this coup too late yet I had forewarned him and some opposition members about all the tricks they [NRM will] use. After making what they referred to as the brief judgment, most justices at the Supreme court were even shy to leave their chambers; this was the very reason Katureebe had to leave in an incognito way claiming he was going for burial,” a seemingly angry Sejusa said.


Sejusa also revealed he is going for medical checkup abroad. If he does, this will be the second time he is traveling abroad since March 2013, when he fled to the United Kingdom, where he stayed for a year in self-imposed exile.

Sejusa left the country after authoring a controversial dossier in which he asked the internal security organization (Iso) director to investigate an alleged plot to eliminate some army and government officials who were opposed to a potential presidency of first son Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba.

Asked whether he has any health problem, Sejusa said he wants to be sure of his health after prison.

“When I come back, I will sensitize Ugandans that it is important to carry out periodical medical checkups and this checkup becomes a must when you come from a prison in an African country,” he said.

Asked whether he was fleeing again, a beaming Sejusa said there was no need because he returned the last time round in 2014 well aware of the risks.

“Don’t even forget that when they came to arrest me early this year from my residence, I knew about the arrest hours before. When they released me last week, I was free to flee. I just wanted to inform the trial court today that I am going for medical checkup, otherwise I would have escaped because I have my passport with me, I don’t need anybody’s permission to travel,” he said.


Police has arrested FDC presidential candidate Kizza Besigye, chairman Gen Mugisha Muntu and Ingrid Turinawe from Forum for Democratic Change supporters from their party headquarters in Najjanankumbi.

Police also fired teargas and bullets to disperse angry party supporters who have engaged it in running battles.  One of the newly-acquired helicopters was also seen hovering over FDC offices.

Besigye’s arrest today is the the fourth in as many days having already been arrested twice on Tuesday when police blocked him from campaigning in Kampala Central Business District (CBD). Yesterday he was again arrested and driven home after he and some FDC officials Naguru stormed a house in Naguru they purported to be a centre of vote rigging.

The latest clashes between police and FDC started after the FDC top leadership announced plans to address a press conference about the ongoing vote tallying exercise. They also announced that they have their own parallel election results tally centre and will be releasing their own results.

As a result, police rushed to deploy at the FDC party headquarter and started dispersing the party members leading to confrontations.  The FDC party members told the officers they didn't have a right to disperse them since they were in the compound of their party offices.

Shortly after, Andrew Felix Kaweesi, the Police Director Human Resource Development stormed FDC offices and went into a closed door meeting with senior party officials led by their chairperson, Wasswa Birigwa.

FDC offices surrounded by police

The other members included Ingrid Turinawe, the FDC national mobilisation secretary and president, Gen Mugisha Muntu. A few minutes later, Kaweesi emerged from the FDC headquarters but declined to speak to the media on the purpose of his visit.

Lawrence Rokani, who claimed to be an FDC party official told journalists later, that they had called the presser to announce provision results from their tally center for Central Region.

According to Rokani, the provisional results from their tally center put Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate in the lead in Central Uganda.  He also claimed that they are aware about the ongoing plans to alter the poll results.

We couldn't speak to any senior party officials to collaborate Rokani's claims as they were locked up in a meeting. While announcing the latest provisional results Electoral Chairman Badru Kiggundu warned of repercussions to those intending to announce results from parallel tally centres.

Meanwhile presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi's home in Kololo has also been sealed off by police. The reasons are not yet known.





28 January, 2016

My true story.
I have chosen to write this after General Kayihura's
assurance that he will equip crime preventers with rifles!
This is dangerous but it shouldn't scare peace lovers
and pro-change activists.
Crime prevention programme started in Makerere University
with 400 plus students although the papers reported 700
students (that was inaccurate). I was among the 400 and we
were given self defence skills and military drills for a
whole week. We were passed out by Kayihura himself who
proposed that we start having those training from Kabalye
police training school located in Masindi. This was
effected, the next training was in Masindi but we were mixed
with students from other Universities. This also took us a
whole week and we were trained to use a rifle, to myself
that's no longer a problem. We were passed out by Gen.
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, it was this time that a proposal
came out through a student (but staged by Kayihura) that the
government adopts this program up to the sub-county level.
From that time different trainings have been taking place in
Kabalye for graduates and it takes a month per-in-take.



Don't be scared, if crime preventers get rifles we shall

get them also because almost 70% of the crime preventers are
pro-change and ready to face the Ugandan Long Serving Tyrant. What Kayihura
didn't know that this programme has been dominated by
Opposition Youths.  This started right from Makerere because
we new that in the course of fighting a dictator, we shall
need these skills and our Opposition Leaders don't have
the capacity to provide them.


Kayihura is going to give us guns and we hope to fight his Master.
In other words, The Ugandan Inspector General of the Police Force, (IGP) is blindly planning M7's downfall!